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Since Independence in 1960, Madagascar has faced several periods of instability and crisis, as well as the threat of civil war. These periods were cyclical: each time the country made some significant economic and social progress, an unexpected crisis would occur to bring it to a halt. The book focuses on the crisis of March 2009, showing how a brewing conflict between the government of Marc Ravalomanana and the opposition led by Andry Rajoelina escalated and using it as a case for the study of further crises in Madagascar or other African countries. The book adopts a conflict approach to the study of crisis. Instead of focusing on external symptoms (street protests, violence, looting, massacre of protesters, military mutiny, etc.), or condemning it as a “coup d’état,” it analyzes the crisis of March 2009 as part of an ongoing conflict between the government and the opposition. It uncovers the causal mechanisms of the crisis as well as the process of crisis management and de-escalation, examining such factors as the context of the crisis, the major actors, the triggers, and the management of the crisis by national and international mediators. In addition, the book explains how a civil war was averted and who benefited as a result of this political crisis.
Madagascar, an Indian Ocean island country, ranks among the world's poorest countries, is the world's fourth largest island and is extremely biologically diverse, with thousands of unique species of flora and fauna. It has experienced political instability since early 2009, initiated by tensions between the country's last elected president, Marc Ravalomanana, and an opposition movement led by Andry Rajoelina, then the mayor of the capital city, Antananarivo. Mass protests in early 2009 and eventual military support for the ouster of President Ravalomanana culminated in his forced resignation from office. Rajoelina then seized power and, with other leaders, formed an interim self-declared transitional government, the High Transitional Authority (HAT, after its French acronym). Ravalomanana now lives in exile in South Africa. The unconstitutional change of power and resulting political impasse have negatively affected economic growth and development efforts and strained Madagascar's relations with international donors. Foreign governments, including the United States, reacted to Rajoelina's seizure of power by sanctioning the government in various ways (e.g., through suspension of membership in some multilateral bodies, restrictions on aid, personal sanctions on some individuals, and removal of trade benefits). Aid restrictions have significantly decreased public spending. Madagascar faces a host of environmental pressures, and illegal logging and endangered wildlife exports have reportedly substantially increased under the HAT. Congress has expressed concern with threats to Madagascar's unique ecosystem, as well as with the country's ongoing political and development challenges. The House of Representatives passed legislation in 2009, H. Res. 839, condemning the 2009 coup and the illegal extraction of Madagascar's natural resources.
Madagascar’s constitution of August 19, 1992 brought hope to a population exhausted by economic failures associated with a failed experiment in scientific socialism and years of mismanagement. The repetition of transparent elections and the promulgation of “good governance” in the years that followed appeared to serve as an indicator of institutional strengthening and, by extension, progress. Unfortunately, a broader institutional analysis points toward a series of shocks to the political system by way of legal, but highly detrimental, juridical and constitutional shifts to the system. These shocks were meant to serve particularized political networks with long clientalistic roots and were made possible by the narrow vision of institutionalism that did not take careful stock of those networks or the leaders at the top of them. Little effort was made to look beyond a legislature brought in by careful elections but producing legislation serving individuals, the ways in which inchoate political parties distort institutional outcomes and the potential for institutionalization, the weakness of civil society to offer opportunities for popular engagement, or the use of donor-funded decentralization programs to build ministries that served as powerful and rapid proxies for leadership centralization. By the time the celebrated president, Marc Ravalomanana, was overthrown in March 2009 it became clear that there were few opportunities to seed political opposition and such limited space between individual leaders and primary institutions of public management that critical state functions immediately began to unravel. In this book the author considers the institutions of the Third Republic, how they formed, and why they looked like models for democratic change before turning to consider how the institutions themselves have been manipulated in plain sight by leaders looking to champion their own networks. He concludes that the rise of the Fourth Republic in 2010 did little to address these underlying concerns and argues that a new agenda is in order to consider not just the way in which institutions form, but the way in which networks of power, and leaders at the top of those networks, grow and change malleable institutions in young democracies with few avenues of accountability.
Derived from the renowned multi-volume International Encyclopaedia of Laws, this practical analysis of the structure, competence, and management of The African Union (AU) provides substantial and readily accessible information for lawyers, academics, and policymakers likely to have dealings with its activities and data. No other book gives such a clear, uncomplicated description of the organization’s role, its rules and how they are applied, its place in the framework of international law, or its relations with other organizations. The monograph proceeds logically from the organization’s genesis and historical development to the structure of its membership, its various organs and their mandates, its role in intergovernmental cooperation, and its interaction with decisions taken at the national level. Its competence, its financial management, and the nature and applicability of its data and publications are fully described. Systematic in presentation, this valuable time-saving resource offers the quickest, easiest way to acquire a sound understanding of the workings of The African Union (AU) for all interested parties. Students and teachers of international law will find it especially valuable as an essential component of the rapidly growing and changing global legal milieu.
This book analyses the role of the African Union and regional economic communities in contributing to peacebuilding in Africa. Big and small conflicts rage across the African continent, and this book argues that the African Union and the five regional economic communities have the potential to greatly contribute to peace and peacebuilding In Africa. Looking across the African Union and the five regional economic communities (the AMU, ECCAS, ECOWAS, IGAD, and SADC), the book considers in detail the organizations’ programmes, engagement, endeavours, success and failure of activities of peacebuilding in their respective regions. Overall, the book argues that an institutionalised and formalised relationship between the African Union and the regional economic communities would not only be decisive for the prospects for peace in the region but would also serve to strengthen the continent’s role on the global stage through asserting its agency, owning its agenda, and designing its own solutions and mechanisms for addressing problems. Drawing together an international team of prominent experts, this book will be of interest to researchers, policymakers, NGOs, activists, and regional and international actors working on African politics, security, governance, and economics.
Why should you visit Madagascar? Sara LeHoullier is itching to tell you. Armed with a love of rice with ambiguous meat chunks, a stomach of steel, a firm grasp on multiple dialects of the Malagasy language, and lots of mosquito repellent, Sara explores both on and off the beaten path revealing a truly unique side on the world's 4th largest island. Sara not only makes friends with the lemurs and chameleons, but treks through the national parks, tries to decide which beach is the prettiest (not an easy task), and most importantly, talks to as many people as possible, collecting proverbs, stories, and always friends. In this fantastic hybrid between a travel guide and a travelogue, follow Sara as she transverses the country where she lived for nearly three years and discover hidden places, intriguing characters, and insight into traveling through Madagascar.
This is an open access book. The start of the 21st century has seen the world shaken by protests, from the Arab Spring to the Yellow Vests, from the Occupy movement to the social uprisings in Latin America. There are periods in history when large numbers of people have rebelled against the way things are, demanding change, such as in 1848, 1917, and 1968. Today we are living in another time of outrage and discontent, a time that has already produced some of the largest protests in world history. This book analyzes almost three thousand protests that occurred between 2006 and 2020 in 101 countries covering over 93 per cent of the world population. The study focuses on the major demands driving world protests, such as those for real democracy, jobs, public services, social protection, civil rights, global justice, and those against austerity and corruption. It also analyzes who was demonstrating in each protest; what protest methods they used; who the protestors opposed; what was achieved; whether protests were repressed; and trends such as inequality and the rise of women’s and radical right protests. The book concludes that the demands of protestors in most of the protests surveyed are in full accordance with human rights and internationally agreed-upon UN development goals. The book calls for policy-makers to listen and act on these demands.
Since the beginnings of independence, a number of African nations have been plagued by repeated coup d'états. Within the African Union (AU), there has been a concerted effort to break this cycle through the official adoption of an ‘anti-coup norm’, by which the AU is mandated to suspend a member state and restore constitutional order following a coup. Supporters of this stance see it as strengthening democracy in Africa, while critics argue that it has served to prop up existing regimes. But there has been little analysis of what the AU’s attempts to ‘restore constitutional order’ have meant for individual African states. In this book, Antonia Witt looks at the legacy of the AU’s intervention in Madagascar following the 2009 ‘Malagasy crisis’, one of the increasingly relevant yet under-researched cases of non-Western intervention in Africa. The book looks at the ways in which international intervention reconfigured the political order in Madagascar, how it facilitated the power struggle within the Madagascan elite and prevented more profound political change. It also considers what the example set by the Madagascan intervention means for the wider international order in Africa and the powers attributed to African international actors such as the AU.
Madagascar Business Law Handbook - Strategic Information and Basic Laws
The Sen. Paul Simon Water for the Poor Act of 2005 requires the Sec. of State, in consultation with USAID and other U.S. Gov¿t. agencies, to develop and implement a strategy to increase affordable and equitable access to safe drinking water and sanitation within the context of sound water resources management in developing countries. This report represents one point in an evolving process to strengthen the U.S.¿s response to these issues. Contents: Intro.; The Challenge; U.S. Strategy; U.S. Support for Water and Sanitation in FY 2009: Bilateral Assist.; Support to Multilateral Development Banks and International Org.; Activities and Results: Evidence of Aid Effectiveness; U.S. Gov¿t. Assistance in FY 2009; Country Reports. Illustrations