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The book by an eminent researcher of the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth familiarises the readers with the most important events of the epoch, analyses the circumstances of passing the Law on Government in May 1791, as well as the document itself. The Constitution of 3 May did not mark the final stage of the process of the fall of the Great Commonwealth. First and foremost, it was an attempt at salvaging the country and renewing it through reforms, which thanks to their boldness and modernity could have turned united Poland and Lithuania into a power. It was only in one aspect that the Constitution could have accelerated the final partition of the Commonwealth: i.e. strengthening the country posed a threat to the partitioners, primarily Russia. This is one of the premises that emerges from the concise but richly detailed book by Richard Butterwick, Professor of History at the University of London awarded a PhD title by the University of Oxford, a scholar specialising in 18th-century Polish history.
Spanning a number of disciplines and perspectives, the twenty-two chapters in this book were commissioned from scholars from Poland, the United States, England, and Germany. In addition to its focus on the Constitution of 3 May 1791 and the Polish movement for political reform, the book documents the history of Polish parliamentarism and the connection between the American, Polish, and French ideas of a democratic state at the end of the eighteenth century. The volume is enriched by hundreds of contemporary engravings, maps, and other illustrations.
This open access book can be downloaded from link.springer.com Legal studies and consequently legal history focus on constitutional documents, believing in a nominalist autonomy of constitutional semantics. Reconsidering Constitutional Formation in the late 18th and 19th century, kept historic constitutions from being simply log-books for political experts through a functional approach to the interdependencies between constitution and public discourse. Sovereignty had to be ‘believed’ by the subjects and the political élites. Such a communicative orientation of constitutional processes became palpable in the ‘religious’ affinities of the constitutional preambles. They were held as ‘creeds’ of a new order, not only due to their occasional recourse to divine authority, but rather due to the claim for eternal validity contexts of constitutional guarantees. The communication dependency of constitutions was of less concern in terms of the preamble than the constituents’ big worries about government organisation. Their indecisiveness between monarchical and popular sovereignty was established through the discrediting of the Republic in the Jacobean reign of terror and the ‘renaissance’ of the monarchy in the military resistance against the French revolutionary and later Napoleonic campaigns. The constitutional formation as a legal act of constituting could therefore defend the monarchy from the threat of the people (Albertine Statute 1848), could be a legal decision of a national constituent assembly (Belgian Constitution 1831), could borrow from the old liberties (Polish May Constitution 1791) or try to remain in between by referring to the Nation as sovereign (French September Constitution 1791, Cádiz Constitution 1812). Common to all contexts is the use of national sovereignty as a legal starting point. The consequent differentiation between constituent and constituted power manages to justify the self-commitment of political power in legal terms. National sovereignty is the synonym for the juridification of sovereignty by means of the constitution. The novelty of the constitutions of the late 18th and 19th century is the normativity, the positivity of the constitutional law as one unified law, to be the measure for the legality of all other law. Therefore ReConFort will continue with the precedence of constitution. (www.reconfort.eu)
This book makes a contribution to ongoing European research into the political discourse of the early modern era, analyzing the political discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1569–1795). The sources comprise the broadly understood political literature from the end of the sixteenth century until the end of the eighteenth century. The author has selected and analysed concepts and ideas that are particularly important for the noble political discourse, with the aim of understanding what these concepts meant for the participants in public debate, who used them, how they explained and described the world, how they allowed for the formulation of political postulates and ideals, whether their meaning changed over time, and if so, then to what extent and under what influences. The author’s research focuses not only on the understanding of the concepts that functioned in the period under study but also on their use as instruments in the political struggle. The book is addressed to readers from the academic milieu – students and researchers – but is likewise accessible to less prepared readers interested in the history of political language and concepts as well as the history of political thought.
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