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In 1910, Crystal Eastman was one of the most conspicuous progressive reformers in America. By the 1920s, her ardent suffragism, insistent anti-militarism, gregarious internationalism, and uncompromising feminism branded her "the most dangerous woman in America" and led to her exile in England. Yet a century later, her legacy in shaping several defining movements of the modern era--labor, feminism, free speech, peace--is unquestioned. A founder of the ACLU and Woman's Peace Party, Eastman was a key player in a constellation of high-stakes public battles from the very beginning of her career. She first found employment investigating labor conditions--an endeavor that would produce her iconic publication, Work Accidents and the Law, a catalyst for the first workers' compensation law. She would go on to fight for the rights of women, penning the Equal Rights Amendment with Alice Paul. As a pacifist in the First World War era, she helped to found the Civil Liberties Bureau, which evolved into the ACLU. With her brother, the writer Max Eastman, she frequented the radical, socialist circles of Greenwich Village. She was also a radical of the politics of private life, bringing attention to cutting-edge issues such as reproductive rights, wages for housework, and single motherhood by choice. As the first biography of Eastman, this book gives renewed voice to a woman who spoke freely and passionately in debates still raging today -- gender equality and human rights, nationalism and globalization, political censorship and media control, worker benefits and family balance, and the monumental questions of war, sovereignty, and freedom.
Auerbach here focuses on the elite nature of the profession, examining its emphasis on serving business interests and its attempts to exclude participation by minorities.
This book brings to life early-century counterparts of urban women identified today as victims of the "feminization of poverty" and recipients of aid from assistance programs. With new details and original interpretations, this book moves beyond earlier studies that focus only on female employment or family life of this generation. It shows what poor women tried to do in the midst of multiple roles. The book integrates themes of child rearing and homemaking with those of women's relations to men, their reliance on female kin, and their involvement in the neighborhood, in employment, and with city agencies and institutions.
The profound disruption of family relationships caused by industrialization found its most dramatic expression in the steel mills of Pittsburgh in the 1880s. The work day was twelve hours, and the work week was seven days - with every other Sunday for rest. In this major work, S. J. Kleinberg focuses on the private side of industrialization, on how the mills structured the everyday existence of the women, men, and children who lived in their shadows. What did industrialization and urbanization really mean to the people who lived through the these processes? What solutions did they find to the problems of low wages, poor housing, inadequate sanitation, and high mortality rates? Through imaginative use of census data, the records of municipal, charitable, and fraternal organizations, and the voices of workers themselves in local newspapers, Kleinberg builds a detailed picture of the working-class life cycle: marital relationships, the interaction between parents and children, the education and employment prospects of the young, and the lives if the elderly.
Public Sociology features a wide-ranging discussion of the controversial model of a social science that reaches out to non-academic audiences, including both average citizens and policymakers. This approach has been greeted with enthusiasm by supporters, and with skepticism and anxiety among critics. Both perspectives are well represented in this volume.Some of the critical voices question whether public sociology is even a good idea. Others dissent, arguing for a strong program in professional sociology as an alternative. Still others express concern that public sociology promotes a liberal-left political agenda, despite its nonpartisan pretensions. Some elements of the model are queried, such as ""critical sociology."" Others are supportive--discussing personal experiences, the benefits of an engaged social science, and how it could take social science into a broader, global marketplace.Following an introduction by the editor, the contributions include: David Boyns and Jesse Fletcher, ""Public Relations, Disciplinary Identity, and the Strong Program in Professional Sociology,"" Jonathan H. Turner, ""Is Public Sociology Such a Good Idea?"" Steven Brint, ""Guide to the Perplexed,"" Vincent Jeffries, ""Piritim A. Sorokin's Integralism and Public Sociology,"" Norella M. Putney, Dawn E. Alley, and Vern L. Bengston, ""Social Gerontology as Public Sociology in Action,"" Edna Bonacich, ""Working with the Labor Movement: A Personal Journey in Organic Public Sociology,"" Christopher Chase-Dunn, ""Globabl Public Social Science,"" Neil McLauglin, Lisa Kowalchuk, and Kerry Turcotte, ""Why Sociology Does Not Need to be Saved,"" Michael Burawoy, ""Third-Wave Sociology and the End of Pure Science,"" Patricia Madoo Lengerman and Jill Niebrugge-Brantley, ""Back to the Future: Settlement Sociology, 1885i?1/2-1930,"" Sean McMahon, ""From the Platform: Public Sociology in the Speeches of Edward A. Ross,"" Chet Ballard, ""The Origin and Early History of the Association for Humanist So