Download Free The Philippine Economy In The 1960s Book in PDF and EPUB Free Download. You can read online The Philippine Economy In The 1960s and write the review.

An examination of all major facets of the Philippine economy and development policy, this title looks to the past and to the future using approaches that are descriptive, analytical, interpretive and comparative. It assesses trends since the 1980s, identifies major policy issues, and provides a balance sheet of achievements and deficiencies.
In the early postwar years, the Philippines seemed poised for long-term economic success; within the region, only Japan had a higher standard of living. By the early 1990s, however, the country was dismissed as a perennial aspirant to the ranks of newly industrializing economies, unable to convert its substantial developmental assets into developmental success. Major reforms of the mid-1990s bring new hope, explains Paul D. Hutchcroft, but accompanying economic gains remain relatively modest and short-lived. What has gone wrong? The Philippines should have all the ingredients for developmental success: tremendous entrepreneurial talents; a well-educated and anglophone workforce; a rich endowment of natural resources; a vibrant community of economists and development specialists; and abundant overseas assistance. Hutchcroft attributes the laggard economic performance to long-standing deficiencies in the Philippine political sphere. The country's experience, he asserts, illuminates the relationship between political and economic development in the modern Third World. Through careful examination of interactions between the state and the major families of the oligarchy in the banking sector since 1960, Hutchcroft shows the political obstacles to Philippine development. 'Booty capitalism,'he explains, emerged from relations between a patrimonial state and a predatory oligarchy. Hutchcroft concludes by examining the capacity of recent reform efforts to encourage transformation toward a political, economic order more responsive to the developmental needs of the Philippine nation as a whole.
Since the 1960s, overseas migration had become a major factor in the economy of the Philippines. It has also profoundly influenced the sense of nationhood of both migrants and nonmigrants. Migrant workers learned to view their home country as part of a plural world of nations, and they shaped a new sort of Filipino identity while appropriating the modernity of the outside world, where at least for a while they operated as insiders. The global nomadism of Filipino workers brought about some fundamental reorientations. It revolutionized Philippine society, reignited a sense of nationhood, imposed new demands on the state, reconfigured the class structure, and transnationalized class and other social relations, even as it deterritorialized the state and impacted the destinations of migrant workers. Philippine foreign policy now takes surprising turns in consideration of migrant workers and Filipinos living abroad. Many tertiary education institutions aim deliberately at the overseas employability of local graduates. And the "Fil-foreign" offspring of unions with partners from other nationalities add a new inflection to Filipino identity.
"An excellent book. . . . [It] provides a unique picture of the processes of globalist institution transformation in a crucial, less developed country."—John Willoughby, American University
From its creation in 1949 until the 1960s, the Central Bank of the Philippines dominated industrial policy by means of exchange controls, becoming a symbol of nationalism for a newly independent state. The pre-war Philippine National Bank was closely linked to the colonial administration and plagued by corruption scandals. As the country moved toward independence, ambitious young politicians, colonial bureaucrats, and private sector professionals concluded that economic decolonization required a new bank at the heart of the country’s finances in order to break away from the individuals and institutions that dominated the colonial economy. Positioning this bank within broader political structures, Yusuke Takagi concludes that the Filipino policy makers behind the Central Bank worked not for vested interests associated with colonial or neo-colonial rule but for structural reform based on particular policy ideas.
Against the backdrop of the global financial crisis and rising food, fuel, and commodity prices, addressing poverty and inequality in the Philippines remains a challenge. The proportion of households living below the official poverty line has declined slowly and unevenly in the past four decades, and poverty reduction has been much slower than in neighboring countries such as the People's Republic of China, Indonesia, Thailand, and Viet Nam. Economic growth has gone through boom and bust cycles, and recent episodes of moderate economic expansion have had limited impact on the poor. Great inequality across income brackets, regions, and sectors, as well as unmanaged population growth, are considered some of the key factors constraining poverty reduction efforts. This publication analyzes the causes of poverty and recommends ways to accelerate poverty reduction and achieve more inclusive growth. it also provides an overview of current government responses, strategies, and achievements in the fight against poverty and identifies and prioritizes future needs and interventions. The analysis is based on current literature and the latest available data, including the 2006 Family Income and Expenditure Survey.
This book examines the political and economic explanations for the success of the ASEAN countries in integrating their economies into the global economy. They analyse aspects of the domestic political and economic environment which have helped (or hindered) the four countries in becoming among the fastest-growing global economic players. The authors provide systematic comparisons across countries during four critical time periods, and offer an integrated perspective on the political economy of the region.
Exploring the inner workings of the "special relationship" of the United States and the Philippines, this book challenges the accepted view that portrays the relationship as one of colonial domination and exploitation, with the United States controlling the Philippines for economic and geopolitical gain. Using Philippine sources released since the 1986 revolution and recently declassified U.S. records, the author finds instead a complex structure that allowed both nations to attain their most cherished goals while sacrificing interests of lesser importance. The United States obtained a military base complex it considered essential for the projection of American power in Asia. In return, the Philippines received a favored position in the American market and billions of dollars in economic and military aid. The Philippine elite manipulated the relationship and their nation's economy, creating a "crony capitalist" system that protected a traditional social order from the demands of a restive peasantry and an emerging Filipino-Chinese middle class. Though U.S. policy made crony capitalism possible, it could also threaten it, and Filipinos learned how to steer U.S. policy along lines advantageous to themselves by resorting to nonconfrontational resistance - thwarting development plans, harassing American businesses, diverting aid, restricting trade, and making military bases the target of nationalist attacks. The author rejects the myth that U.S. policy supported economic exploitation, finding instead that American business interests were docile bystanders sacrificed to U.S strategic imperatives. But American policymakers tolerated the manipulations that allowed Filipino oligarchs to plunder the economy and reinforce their political and economic dominance. The book thus forces us to rethink conventional assumptions about dependent relationships, and shows that generalizations about client states need to be qualified by considerations of culture and political economy.