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Comprises documents relating to the partition of India in 1947.
The fragmentation of Bengal and Assam in 1947 was a crucial moment in India's socio-political history as a nation state. Both the British Indian provinces were divided as much through the actions of the Muslim League as by those of Congress and the British colonial power. Attributing partition largely to Hindu communalists is, therefore, historically inaccurate and factually misleading. The Partition of Bengal and Assam provides a review of constitutional and party politics as well as of popular attitudes and perceptions. The primary aim of this book is to unravel the intricate socio-economic and political processes that led up to partition, as Hindus and Muslims competed ferociously for the new power and privileges to be conferred on them with independence. As shown in the book, well before they divorced at a political level, Hindus and Muslims had been cleaved apart by their socio-economic differences. Partition was probably inevitable.
An Attempt Has Been Made In This Book To Examine The Writings Of The Oxbridge Scholars Who Have Based Their Studies On Different Assumptions And Have Tried To Cover Various Issues Related To The Partition Of India. The Author Has Made A Serious Effort To Trace The Course Of The British Historiography Of India S Partition. In The Light Of New Research And Facts, Several Age-Old, Deliberate But Fallacious Assumptions And Constructs Have Been Deconstructed. In The Process Of This Analysis Several Gaps Have Been Detected And The Underlying Aims Of The Imperialist Efforts Have Been Exposed. On The Top Of It, Various Sophisticated Versions Of The Theories Of Civilizing Mission And Whiteman S Burden In The Post-Colonial Context Have Been Challenged On Several Counts. In Spite Of Several Changes In The Imperialist Writings, It Has Been Found That Even The Neo-Imperial Historians Have Been Extending Their Support To The Several Myths, Deliberately Created By The Orthodox Imperial Ideologues About India S Past And Present. The Only Difference Is That The Former Have Been More Delicate And Sophisticated In Their Presentations. Thus, This Book Opens Up New Areas For Further Research And Will Generate More Curiosity Among The Students Of Indian, Pakistani And British History And Those Who Are Concerned With The Problems Of Nationalism And Decolonisation.
During his campaign against racism in South Africa, and his involvement in the Congress-led nationalist struggle against British colonial rule in India, Mahatma Gandhi developed a new form of political struggle based on the idea of satyagraha, or non-violent protest. He ushered in a new era of nationalism in India by articulating the nationalist protest in the language of non-violence, or ahisma, that galvanized the masses into action. Focusing on the principles of satyagraha and non-violence, and their evolution in the context of anti-imperial movements organized by Gandhi, this fascinating book looks at how these precepts underwent changes reflecting the ideological beliefs of the participants. Assessing Gandhi and his ideology, the text centres on the ways in which Gandhi took into account the views of other leading personalities of the era whilst articulating his theory of action. Concentrating on Gandhi’s writings in Harijan, the weekly newspaper he founded, this volume provides a unique contextualized study of an iconic man’s social and political ideas.
Rabindranath Tagore and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi constitute the key pillars of Indian nationalist thought. In this book Bidyut Chakrabarty demonstrates how Tagore and Gandhi drew on each other as they articulated their unique mode of thinking, which led to an innovative discourse. Tagore and Gandhi agreed on many ideas but also had serious differences on quite a few, for instance, on whether to support the British during the Boer War. Confluence of Thought brings out the compatibility as well as the differences in their thoughts by asserting that both of them, despite their differences in approach, are essentially informed and shaped by Western and indigenous discourses as well as by colonial rule. The chapters in the volume dwell on their views on nationalism, civilisation, religion, rural construction and religion. These ideas and arguments moulded the freedom struggle and shaped the future of a free India.
This volume seeks to analyse the evolution of Muslim nationalism from 1877 to 1937. This exercise has resulted in highlighting certain trends which have been so far either ignored or underplayed, at any rate in India. It, for instance, shows that two nation theory was an old as the movement for Muslim awakening and solidarity and almost all its leaders firmly believed in it. Similarly the idea of Pakistan, instead of being born in 1933 with Rehmat Ali's forceful espousal of it, is shown to be steadily circulating, particularly in the Punjab, since mid- 1920s. Again, contrary to what has been generally imagined so far, Jinnah as well as Iqbal had become converts to that idea, as early as June 1937, before even the beginning of any serious talk for the installation of a so-called coalition government in U.P., and not after its failure. On the other hand, the volume also reveals the strength of the growing sentiment of Hindu nationalism in 1920s, particularly in the Punjab and Bengal. The situation created by the juxtaposition of the two nationalisms is underlined by Lala Lajpat Rai's declaration in 1924 that in view of the general Muslim attitude a divided India might provide the only solution to the communal problem. Equally significant was Gandhi's repeated assertion in 1924-5 that he saw no solution of that problem except through prayer.
This book presents a comprehensive portrait of how Indians conceived of the idea of India. It highlights the diverse traditions and intellectual threads that contributed to the making of vibrant democracy. The book: • Examines the different ideas of India through 14 eminent Indian thinkers: Mahatma Gandhi, Rabindranath Tagore, Dayanand Saraswati, VD Savarkar, Savitribai Phule, Pandita Ramabai, Maulana Azad, Jawaharlal Nehru, BR Ambedkar, Subhash Chandra Bose, Aurobindo Ghosh, Sarala Devi Chaudhurani and MA Jinnah; • Highlights how ancient and modern intellectual discourses coalesced with the aspirations of ordinary Indians under the yoke of colonialism; • Challenges colonial constructs and linear approaches to studying India. Accessibly written, this book is essential reading for students and researchers of Indian political thought, modern history, political science, and South Asian studies.
Contributed articles.
Humanizing Humanity is distinctively framed advocacy of the ways in which the concept of humanity has been defended by various ideologues of India like Tagore, Gandhi, and Ambedkar. By grounding itself in the epistemology of intellectual history, the book delineates how these three major thinkers visualised the ways in which society can be better humanized. Such a process of humanization for these thinkers forms the bedrock of the trajectory in which humanity may be preserved, amidst intense authoritarianism and the violent quest for power by a small minority in the society. The book is an attempt at exploring the strands of inter-textuality that exist when Tagore, Gandhi and Ambedkar's thinking is situated in the ontic and epistemic context of a few humans' tendency to destroy humanity and the efforts of another section to create conditions for its preservation. Bidyut Chakrabarty does this by comparing the ways in which the Federalist Papers of the United States of America and the Indian Constitution manifest as quintessential texts that uphold the principles of liberty, equality, justice, and the protection of the weaker sections of society from structured strands of domination and exploitation.
The essays in this volume present a complex picture of the major upheavals that UP has experienced in its society, polity, and economy over the last two decades.