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This book deals with the development of the Palestinian Arabic press during the years 1929-1939, years in which the national identity of the Palestinian Arab public was formalized and shaped and characterized by the development of the Palestinian National Movement. During this period, the Palestinian National Movement, in addition to its struggle with the Zionist Movement, was also involved in a struggle with the British Mandatory government. The primary professed goal of this struggle was to prevent realization of the program for a Jewish National Home, and to lead Britain to a situation in which it would be compelled to grant independence or a certain degree of autonomy to the Palestinian Arabs, as had been granted to other Arab countries, such as Iraq and Egypt. The press became integrated as a central factor in shaping the development of the Palestinian National Movement in a gradual process: it began emerging in the mid-1920's, its weight increased significantly during the events of 1929, and it peaked in the Great Strike of April-October 1936. The few studies conducted to date on the functioning of the Palestinian press during the Mandatory period dealt with the political aspects of the newspapers and with their articulation of the various political groups and powers in the Palestinian National Movement. In this book Mustafa Kabha emphasize social, cultural, and institutional aspects, in addition to the national-political aspect.
The Islamic resistance movement ‘Hamas’ is, arguably, one of the most important Palestinian organizations in recent decades. Since Hamas' establishment, it has extensively utilized media as a means of mobilization for its political and ideological agendas, and its tactics have undergone a remarkable evolution, from graffiti art to satellite broadcasting. This book presents the first systematic and historical contextualization of the development of Hamas' media strategy. It determines three key phases in Hamas’ development and explores the complex and important relationship at work between its politics and use of media. Assessing four elements of the Hamas media strategy; the media message (discourse), the media objectives, the infrastructure, and the target audience, this book tracks how Hamas grew its media infrastructure, and looks at how the idea of resistance has permeated the media discourse. Determining both tactical and strategic objectives and detailing the various layers to the target audience, it offers the first in-depth academic study of the Hamas media strategy. This book’s exploration of the key role the media plays in the Palestinian issue makes it a timely and relevant contribution to the study of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and a valuable resource for students, scholars and policymakers working in Middle Eastern studies.
This book deals with the development of the Palestinian Arabic press during the years 1929-1939, years in which the national identity of the Palestinian Arab public was formalized and shaped and characterized by the development of the Palestinian National Movement. During this period, the Palestinian National Movement, in addition to its struggle with the Zionist Movement, was also involved in a struggle with the British Mandatory government. The primary professed goal of this struggle was to prevent realization of the program for a Jewish National Home, and to lead Britain to a situation in which it would be compelled to grant independence or a certain degree of autonomy to the Palestinian Arabs, as had been granted to other Arab countries, such as Iraq and Egypt. The press became integrated as a central factor in shaping the development of the Palestinian National Movement in a gradual process: it began emerging in the mid-1920's, its weight increased significantly during the events of 1929, and it peaked in the Great Strike of April-October 1936. The few studies conducted to date on the functioning of the Palestinian press during the Mandatory period dealt with the political aspects of the newspapers and with their articulation of the various political groups and powers in the Palestinian National Movement. In this book Mustafa Kabha emphasize social, cultural, and institutional aspects, in addition to the national-political aspect.
This volume presents twelve detailed studies dealing with cases drawn from the Middle East and North Africa in the period before independence (c.1850-1950).
Inventing the national and citizen in Palestine : Great Britain, sovereignty and the legislative context, 1918-1925 -- The notion of 'rights' and the practices of nationality and citizenship from the Palestinian Arab perspective, 1918-1925 -- The diaspora and the meanings of Palestinian citizenship, 1925-1931 -- Institutionalising citizenship : creating distinctions between Arab and Jewish Palestinian citizens, 1926-1934 -- Whose rights to citizenship? Expressions and variations of Palestinian mandate citizenship, 1926-1935 -- The Palestine revolt and stalled citizenship -- Conclusion. The end of the experiment : discourses on citizenship at the close of the mandate.
This book is a chronology of the dialogue between the colonised Palestinians and their British colonisers during the 'Mandate' years from November 1917 through May 1948. It names, dates, quotes from and discusses 490 separate manifestos, letters, statements of policy, petitions, resolutions, minutes and debates going either from the British to the indigenous Palestinians or vice versa. A few examples: Samuel's The Future of Palestine, the Balfour Declaration, the League of Nations Covenant, the Report on the State of Palestine and other tracts by the Palestine Arab Congress and the Moslem-Christian Associations, the King-Crane report, the General Syrian Congress, the Palin, Haycraft, Cavendish, Shaw, Hope Simpson, Peel and Anglo-American investigations, the arguments of the Palestinian Delegations to London, the Churchill, Passfield and MacDonald White Papers, some petitions of the Arab Executive Committee to the League of Nations, various positions of the Palestine High Commissioners, protests of the Women's Delegations, debates in both Houses of Parliament, Ramsey MacDonald's Black Letter, the manifestos of several Arab newspapers and many leaders such as Musa Kazem al-Husseini, Musa Alami, Awni Abdul Hadi, Ragheb Nashashibi, Izzat Darwaza, George Antonius, Yaqub al-Ghussein, Matiel E.T. Mogannam, Jamal al-Husseini, Izzat Tannous, Emil Ghoury, Aref Abdul Razzak, Henry Cattan, Amin al-Husseini, Mohammed Zafarullah Khan and Albert Hourani, and finally the spewings of the UN General Assembly and its Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP). Its main sources are: 1) records held at the National Archives at Kew, London, mainly the minutes of Cabinet meetings and material written by the Foreign and Colonial Offices; 2) other records accessible online held by universities and private historians; and 3) other books and articles about the Mandate, i.e. 'secondary sources'. It thus traces the ins and outs of the three decades of robbery of Palestine by Britain from its rightful owners, preparing the ground for Palestine's takeover in 1948 by Egypt, Jordan and the Zionist state of Israel. The story is nothing if not simple: The Palestinians demanded their independence, the British denied it. The book is dedicated to the Palestinians who fought and suffered, or died, for their self-determination, and to the often-unsung Palestinian freedom fighters, resisters and historians who have related these events in their own ways.
This book chronicles the local histories written by modern Palestinians about their villages that were destroyed in the 1948 war.
The first book to present an analysis of Arab response to fascism and Nazism from the perspectives of both individual countries and the Arab world at large, this collection problematizes and ultimately deconstructs the established narratives that assume most Arabs supported fascism and Nazism leading up to and during World War II. Using new source materials taken largely from Arab memoirs, archives, and print media, the articles reexamine Egyptian, Syrian, Lebanese, Palestinian, and Iraqi responses in the 1930s and throughout the war. While acknowledging the individuals, forces, and organizations that did support and collaborate with Nazi Germany and fascist Italy, Arab Responses to Fascism and Nazism focuses on the many other Arab voices that identified with Britain and France and with the Allied cause during the war. The authors argue that many groups within Arab societies—elites and non-elites, governing forces, and civilians—rejected Nazism and fascism as totalitarian, racist, and, most important, as new, more oppressive forms of European imperialism. The essays in this volume argue that, in contrast to prevailing beliefs that Arabs were de facto supporters of Italy and Germany—since "the enemy of my enemy is my friend"—mainstream Arab forces and currents opposed the Axis powers and supported the Allies during the war. They played a significant role in the battles for control over the Middle East.
2024 Winner, Sami Rohr Prize for Jewish Literature, The Sami Rohr Jewish Literary Institute • One of the Wall Street Journal's 10 Best Books of 2023 • Named a Booklist Editors' Choice in History: Adult Books, 2023 • Finalist, Writing Based on Archival Material: National Jewish Book Awards • Finalist, Sophie Brody Medal, American Library Association "[Kessler] has done an exceptional job and opened new vistas on troubles past and present." — Wall Street Journal "Kessler’s history is key to understanding the current situation between Israelis and Palestinians." —Booklist, Starred Review A gripping, profoundly human, yet even-handed narrative of the origins of the Middle East conflict, with enduring resonance and relevance for our time. In spring 1936, the Holy Land erupted in a rebellion that targeted both the local Jewish community and the British Mandate authorities that for two decades had midwifed the Zionist project. The Great Arab Revolt would last three years, cost thousands of lives—Jewish, British, and Arab—and cast the trajectory for the Middle East conflict ever since. Yet incredibly, no history of this seminal, formative first “Intifada” has ever been published for a general audience. The 1936–1939 revolt was the crucible in which Palestinian identity coalesced, uniting rival families, city and country, rich and poor in a single struggle for independence. Yet the rebellion would ultimately turn on itself, shredding the social fabric, sidelining pragmatists in favor of extremists, and propelling waves of refugees from their homes. British forces’ aggressive counterinsurgency took care of the rest, finally quashing the uprising on the eve of World War II. The revolt to end Zionism had instead crushed the Arabs themselves, leaving them crippled in facing the Jews’ own drive for statehood a decade later. To the Jews, the insurgency would leave a very different legacy. It was then that Zionist leaders began to abandon illusions over Arab acquiescence, to face the unnerving prospect that fulfilling their dream of sovereignty might mean forever clinging to the sword. The revolt saw thousands of Jews trained and armed by Britain—the world’s supreme military power—turning their ramshackle guard units into the seed of a formidable Jewish army. And it was then, amid carnage in Palestine and the Hitler menace in Europe, that portentous words like “partition” and “Jewish state” first appeared on the international diplomatic agenda. This is the story of two national movements and the first sustained confrontation between them. The rebellion was Arab, but the Zionist counter-rebellion—the Jews’ military, economic, and psychological transformation—is a vital, overlooked element in the chronicle of how Palestine became Israel. Today, eight decades on, the revolt’s legacy endures. Hamas’s armed wing and rockets carry the name of the fighter-preacher whose death sparked the 1936 rebellion. When Israel builds security barriers, sets up checkpoints, or razes homes, it is evoking laws and methods inherited from its British predecessor. And when Washington promotes a “two-state solution,” it is invoking a plan with roots in this same pivotal period. Based on extensive archival research on three continents and in three languages, Palestine 1936 is the origin story of the world’s most intractable conflict, but it is also more than that. In Oren Kessler’s engaging, journalistic voice, it reveals world-changing events through extraordinary individuals on all sides: their loves and their hatreds, their deepest fears and profoundest hopes.
The true history of the imperial deal that transformed the Middle East and sealed the fate of Palestine On 2 November 1917, the British government, represented by Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour, declared it was in favour of “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.” This short note would become one of the most controversial documents of its time. A hundred years later, Bernard Regan recounts the composition of the Balfour Declaration as one of the major events in the history of the Middle East. Offering new insights into the imperial rivalries between Britain, Germany and the Ottomans, Regan exposes British policy in the region as part of a larger geopolitical game. Yet, even then, the course of events was not straightforward, and Regan charts the debates within the British government, the Zionist movement, and the Palestinian groups struggling for self-determination. The after-effects of these events are still being felt today. Bernard Regan’s urgent, timely history excavates the origins of the current crisis.