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The first authoritative account concerning the lack of conflict in the Nordic region, this text evaluates why the area is more peaceful than the rest of Europe and whether there is a lesson to be learned from the area. Looking at cases where parts of the Nordic area have started to break away from the others and how this was achieved without violence, it also explores the settlement of demarcation disputes. By using this region as an example for the rest of Europe, this book tests the hypothesis of the Nordic Peace using a number of approaches including historical, political science, peace research, sociology and law. This highly insightful piece of research is relevant for courses in international relations and European studies.
The first authoritative account concerning the lack of conflict in the Nordic region, this text evaluates why the area is more peaceful than the rest of Europe and whether there is a lesson to be learned from the area. This highly insightful piece of research is relevant for courses in international relations and European studies.
For a long time, the Nordic countries have been a region of peace, with the ability to resolve conflicts peacefully among themselves, and a region for peace, actively promoting peace globally. Although efforts to actively brand the Nordic region are ongoing, the Nordic Peace brand is an area with untapped potential. The Nordics have rich traditions for working together on peace and conflict resolution. These joint efforts have grown organically and informally from like-mindedness, letting the common Nordic culture and ways of working foster integration among them where relevant. The people working in the Nordic countries on Nordic cooperation and peace recognize the potential of strengthening the Nordic Peace brand. One area of special potential is increasing focus on the shared Nordic priorities of prevention and the women, peace and security agenda as part of the Nordic Peace brand.
A new examination of Nordic approaches to peace operations after the Cold War. It shows how the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) remain relevant for the study and practice of post-Cold War peace operations.This unique study is structured around eleven success conditions derived from an analysis of the lessons learned
Denmark, Norway, and Sweden all managed to stay out of World War I, but all three countries were deeply affected by it. Opening with a systematically comparative introduction to the history of the Scandinavian countries during that time period, this account then presents 13 case studies examining the impact of the war on these neutral entities. From inflation and the shortage of consumer goods to widespread poverty and political unrest - not to mention the thousands of Scandinavian soldiers who participated in the war - this unique compilation 'analyzes the military and economic consequences as well as the vital political and social issues raised by the conflict.'
In 1999 the EU decided to develop its own military capacities for crisis management. This book brings together a group of experts to examine the consequences of this decision on Nordic policy establishments, as well as to shed new light on the defence and security issues that matter for Europe as a whole.
This extraordinary compendium concerns the future of the Western alliance and the development of the peace movements in Europe and in the United States. After a long postwar marriage, Europeans and Americans alike are reexamining the premises of the Western alliance. This volume contributes to this reexamination.
Since 1814 Sweden has avoided involvement in armed conflicts and carried out policies of non-alignment in peacetime and neutrality during war. Even though the Swedish government often describes Sweden as a ‘nation of peace’, in 2004 the 200-year anniversary of that peace passed by with barely any attention. Despite its extraordinary longevity, research about the Swedish experience of enduring peace is underdeveloped. 200 Years of Peace places this long period of peace in broader academic and public discussions surrounding claimed Swedish exceptionality as it is represented in the nation’s social policies, expansive welfare state, eugenics, gender equality programs, and peace.
Nation branding is regarded as essential for competitiveness among countries, but the idea of branding nations is often derided as lacking seriousness. While nation branding has been on the radar of scholars of marketing, communication, and media studies, as well as political geography for decades, it has only made a small dent into the international relations field. In Nation Branding and International Politics Christopher Browning argues that international relations should take nation branding seriously. Nation branding not only involves the issues of culture, identity, and status – which are of principal concern to IR – but it is also a different and potentially fruitful way of reconceptualizing statehood. Mobilizing work on ontological security, anxiety, status, and distinction, and grounding the analysis in a broader historical context, Browning finds that nation branding is politically significant, though not necessarily for the reasons its advocates claim. Specifically, the book raises important questions about nation branding’s influence on the constitution of national identity, the reframing of citizenship, and the topography of contemporary geopolitics. Nation Branding and International Politics considers how status, prestige, and reputation are constructed and maintained in international society, and how, perhaps, this construction and maintenance may be changing – just as the practice of nation branding is changing.