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A sophisticated history of colonial interactions in Nigeria during World War II drawing on hitherto unexplored archival resources.
Originally published in 1971, this book is an account of the development of the Nigerian Army in the critical ten years spanning independence. It describes the transformation of a despised colonial defence force into a Nigerian army with a popularly recognized reputation. On the eve of the first military coup, the Army stood at the pinnacle of popular esteem. It had been modernized and expanded, had served with distinction in the Congo and elsewhere, and all its officers were Nigerian. The first half of the book traces the stages of this transformation and reveals the difficulties which had to be overcome. The second part examines the increasing tension and political manoeuvring which exploded into the military coups of 1966.
The Nigerian Army is an institution that has played a pivotal role in the affairs of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. For more than half of the 57 years since Independence, Nigeria was directly ruled by a Military Government, largely composed of army officers, and always headed by one. It is impossible to explore any facet of modern Nigerian history or society without the military (and in particular the Army) looming significantly. Whilst several authors have documented the history of Nigeria (and significantly less many of its Army), rarely, if ever, has the impact of the politics of Nigeria on the Army, and vice-versa, formed the exclusive subject of study. This volume is an endeavor to fill that gap. The period leading up to the Army's first overt entry into the politics of Nigeria is reviewed, firstly the pre-Independence period, and then the years immediately following independence. The effects of the Nigerianisation of the Army, especially of the officer corps, and of the policy decisions made following the passing of control over the Army from the British to the Nigerian Government are considered. The political circumstances surrounding the Army's first overt entry into politics - the January 1966 coup - and the political performance of the subsequent first military regime are discussed, as a precursor to the second coup in July 1966. The impact of the Army's direct involvement in politics on the military performance of both sides in the Civil War is explored. After a nine-year interregnum, in July 1975 Nigeria returned to the era of coups, with at least eight attempted and successful coups, some of them bloody, over the next quarter century before the return to civilian rule in 1999. The personalities leading the resultant military Governments, and the policies of those Governments, are explored, in an attempt to discern their legacy on the political development of Nigeria, and on the Nigerian Army as an institution.
Mohammed Chris Alli is a retired Nigerian Army Major General who served as Chief of Army Staff from 1993 to 1994 under General Sanni Abacha's regime and was military governor of Plateau State Nigeria from August 1985 to 1986 during the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida. Many years later, he was appointed interim administrator of the state during a 2004 crisis in the state following ethno-religious killings in Shendam, Yelwa Local Government. In this anthology, organized as a symposium on Mohammed Christopher Alli’s work, he is identified as one of those critical and rational thinkers, philosophers, albeit, a General in the Nigerian Army, whose work finds a befitting logical space in the contemporary African philosophical tapestry. The book also captures the elements of military misrule in Nigeria and its undue influence on the body polity; it is a critical survey of past military misadventures, and a satire against false federalism, it is a firm warning against future corruption and impunity in the military.
Boko Haram is the major threat to the Nigerian state, and has emerged as a destabilizing factor across sub-Saharan Africa. This is now a major focus of global policy-making, as between 2013 and 2014 insurgency-related deaths in Nigeria exceeded those in Iraq and Afghanistan. This book is the first to focus on the military nature of Boko Haram, the reasons for its success in those specific regions of the Chad basin it operates in and a detailed history of the Nigerian army's counter-insurgency – with whom, uniquely, the author has spent research time. The book identifies and analyses the battles and skirmishes on the front line, as well as unearthing a wider explanation for Boko Haram's military success and the causes of the instability in the region.
This book reviews the use of digital surveillance for detecting, investigating and interpreting fraud associated with critical cyberinfrastructures in Nigeria, as it is well known that the country’s cyberspace and cyberinfrastructures are very porous, leaving too much room for cyber-attackers to freely operate. In 2017, there were 3,500 successful cyber-attacks on Nigerian cyberspace, which led to the country losing an estimated 450 million dollars. These cybercrimes are hampering Nigeria’s digital economy, and also help to explain why many Nigerians remain skeptical about Internet marketing and online transactions. If sensitive conversations using digital devices are not well monitored, Nigeria will be vulnerable to cyber-warfare, and its digital economy, military intelligence, and related sensitive industries will also suffer. The Nigerian Army Cyber Warfare Command was established in 2018 in order to combat terrorism, banditry, and other attacks by criminal groups in Nigeria. However, there remains an urgent need to produce digital surveillance software to help law enforcement agencies in Nigeria to detect and prevent these digitally facilitated crimes. The monitoring of Nigeria’s cyberspace and cyberinfrastructure has become imperative, given that the rate of criminal activities using technology has increased tremendously. In this regard, digital surveillance includes both passive forensic investigations (where an attack has already occurred) and active forensic investigations (real-time investigations that track attackers). In addition to reviewing the latest mobile device forensics, this book covers natural laws (Benford’s Law and Zipf’s Law) for network traffic analysis, mobile forensic tools, and digital surveillance software (e.g., A-BOT). It offers valuable insights into how digital surveillance software can be used to detect and prevent digitally facilitated crimes in Nigeria, and highlights the benefits of adopting digital surveillance software in Nigeria and other countries facing the same issues.
A former general in the Nigerian army, defence attache to Zimbabwe and member of the Abacha caucus, chronicles the role played by the army in Nigerian history, from the first military coup in 1966 to Obasanjo's accession to power in 1998. He describes his own experiences in the army at home and abroad, including a section on his personal interactions with Abacha and the caucus. The author writes in anger at the domination of political hegemony and the subsequent intervention of the military into politics, the perceived dichotomy between people and state, and its implicactions for issues of development and human rights. He states: 'This book is not an indictment of the military of which I am a part. It is my perception of the conduct of my generation and the multifarious forces at work amongst and about them. It is not a verdict on society, rather it is an articulation of the ecstasy, the fears, the constrictions of a nation in turmoil, a nation pulling itself apart.'
Education is an important tool for the development of human potential. Organizations and individuals interested in development consider knowledge, skills and attitudes, obtained through formal, non-formal and incidental learning, as invaluable assets. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on fundamental elements that shape the process through which education is attained: How do people learn, and what are the conditions that facilitate effective learning? Answers to these questions demonstrate that no education can be politically neutral, because there is no value-free education. The traditional or indigenous education systems in Nigeria, which covered (and still cover) physical training, development of character, respect for elders and peers, development of intellectual skills, specific vocational trainings, developing a sense of belonging and participation in community affairs, and understanding, appreciating and promoting the cultural heritage of the community were, and are, not value-free. In other words, the goals and purpose of education, the content, the entire process and the procedures chosen for evaluation in education are all value-laden. This book attempts to show that the teaching-learning process in higher education, and religion, taught and learned through non-formal and informal education (or the hidden curriculum), and other socialization processes within and outside the formal school system, all interface to determine the persons that women become. This education enhances or limits women's capabilities, whether in the civic-political sphere or in their attempts to resist violence. Hence, education and religion have ways of empowering or disempowering women.