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Examines the vision of Jeffersonian Republicans and their impact on early American politics In 1800 the Jeffersonian Republicans, decisive victors over what they considered elitist Federalism, seized the potential for change in the new American nation. They infused in it their vision of a society of economically progressive, politically equal, and socially liberated individuals. This book examines the fusion of ideas and circumstances which made possible this triumph of America's first popular political movement. When the Federalists convened in New York to form the "more perfect union" promised by the new United Sates Constitution, they expected to build a strong central government led by the revolutionary members of the old colonial elite. This expectation was dashed by the emergence of a vigorous opposition led by Thomas Jefferson but manned by a new generation of popular politicians: interlopers, émigrés, polemicists—what the Federalists called the "mushroom candidates." They turned the 1790s into an age of passion by raising basic questions about the characters of the American experiment in government. When the Federalists defenders of traditional European notions of order and authority came under attack, they sought to discredit the radical beliefs of the Jeffersonians. Although the ideas that fueled the Jeffersonian opposition came from several strains of liberal and libertarian thought, it was the specific prospect of an expanding commercial agriculture that gave substance to their conviction that Americans might divorce themselves from the precepts of the past. Thus, capitalism figured prominently in the Jeffersonian social vision. Aroused by the Federalists' efforts to bind the nation's wealthy citizens to a strengthened central government, the Jeffersonians unified ordinary men in the southern and middle states, mobilizing on the national level the power of the popular vote. Their triumph in 1800 represented a new sectional alliance as well as a potent fusion of morality and materialism.
This contribution argues that a long-established social order has been in place since the first stratified societies in the Near Middle East which unavoidably comes with substantial economic, political and environmental repercussions. Part I of the book dissects the various facets of this order, which is termed the social dominance paradigm, while in Part II a fundamentally different order, the peace paradigm, is introduced. The latter rests on real democracy (in the Athenian sense), sustainability and peace. As such, both paradigms function as vehicles for further analysis and research while the peace paradigm also provides a rough plan for the implementation of transformational change. Typically, political, economic, social, and environmental research seeks to increase specialized knowledge. Here, however, the overall intent is to utilize interdisciplinary evidence and connect the dots between a number defining features within seemingly modern societies. The argument is that these are, in fact, not modern at all but follow an ancient template of power, control, and coordination concentrated in the hands of the few. Potentially, this contribution can function as a trans-disciplinary methodological framework as well as an information hub for researchers in the fields of political and social sciences, history, anthropology, evolutionary biology, organization and peace studies. Practitioners who are interested in fundamental social change may also find the issues raised to be of interest. As such, this book provides a generalist, evidence-based discussion of a multi-disciplinary nature that may pique the interest of both experts and amateurs alike.
George S. Counts was amajor figure in American education for almost fifty years. Republication of this early (1932) work draws special attention to Counts's role as a social and political activist. Three particular themes make the book noteworthy because of their importance in Counts's plan for change as well as for their continuing contem­porary importance: (1)Counts's crit­icism of child-centered progressives; (2)the role Counts assigns to teachers in achieving educational and social re­form; and (3) Counts's idea for the re­form of the American economy.
This book integrates the problem of violence into a larger framework, showing how economic and political behavior are closely linked.
Rieff articulates a comprehensive, typological theory of Western culture. Using visual illustrations, he contrasts the changing modes of spiritual and social thought that have struggled for dominance throughout Western history.
This newly expanded and reorganized collection of readings provides a compelling exploration of what arguably remains the single most important problem in social theory: the problem of social order.
This work remains a pioneer sociological treatise on American culture. By understanding the individual not as the product of society but as its mirror image, Cooley concludes that the social order cannot be imposed from outside human nature but that it arises from the self. Cooley stimulated pedagogical inquiry into the dynamics of society with the publication of Human Nature and the Social Order in 1902. Human Nature and the Social Order is something more than an admirable ethical treatise. It is also a classic work on the process of social communication as the "very stuff" of which the self is made.
Despite the disastrous failure of his one practical attempt to create a perfect school, Russell constantly strove to invent a system of education free from repression. Here Russell dissects the motives behind much educational theory and practice - and attacks the influence of chauvanism, snobbery and money. Energetically discussed and debated are discipline, natural ability, competition, class distinction, bureaucracy, finance, religion, sex education, state versus private schools, education in Russia, indoctrination, the home environment and many other topics. Described by reviewers as 'brilliant', 'provocative', 'sane', 'stimulating', 'practical', and 'original', this book contains the essence of Russell's thought on education and society.
Progressive era settlements actively sought urban reform, but they also functioned as missionaries for the "American Way", which often called for religious conversion of immigrants and frequently was intolerant of cultural pluralism. Ruth Hutchinson Crocker examines the programs, personnel, and philosophy of seven settlements in Indianapolis and Gary, Indiana, creating a vivid picture of operations that strove for social order even as they created new social services. The author reconnects social work history to labor history and to the history of immigrants, blacks, and women. She shows how the settlements' vision of reform for working-class women concentrated on "restoring home life" rather than on women's rights. She also argues that, while individual settlement leaders such as Jane Addams were racial progressives, the settlement movement took shape within a context of deepening racial segregation. Settlements, Crocker says, were part of a wider movement to discipline and modernize a racially and ethnically heterogeneous work force. How they translated their goals into programs for immigrants, blacks, and the native born is woven into a study that will be of interest to students of social history and progressivism, as well as social work.