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As John Bellamy Foster writes in his foreword to the present book, “István Mészáros is one of the greatest philosophers that the historical materialist tradition has yet produced. His work stands practically alone today in the depth of its analysis of Marx’s theory of alienation, the structural crisis of capital, the demise of Soviet-style post-revolutionary societies, and the necessary conditions of the transition to socialism. His dialectical inquiry into social structure and forms of consciousness—a systematic critique of the prevailing forms of thought—is unequaled in our time.” Mészáros is the author of magisterial works like Beyond Capital and Social Structures of Forms of Consciousness, but his work can seem daunting to those unacquainted with his thought. Here, for the first time, is a concise and accessible overview of Mészáros’s ideas, designed by the author himself and covering the broad scope of his work, from the shortcomings of bourgeois economics to the degeneration of the capital system to the transition to socialism.
As John Bellamy Foster writes in his foreword to the present book, “István Mészáros is one of the greatest philosophers that the historical materialist tradition has yet produced. His work stands practically alone today in the depth of its analysis of Marx’s theory of alienation, the structural crisis of capital, the demise of Soviet-style post-revolutionary societies, and the necessary conditions of the transition to socialism. His dialectical inquiry into social structure and forms of consciousness—a systematic critique of the prevailing forms of thought—is unequaled in our time.” Mészáros is the author of magisterial works like Beyond Capital and Social Structures of Forms of Consciousness, but his work can seem daunting to those unacquainted with his thought. Here, for the first time, is a concise and accessible overview of Mészáros’s ideas, designed by the author himself and covering the broad scope of his work, from the shortcomings of bourgeois economics to the degeneration of the capital system to the transition to socialism.
This book integrates the problem of violence into a larger framework, showing how economic and political behavior are closely linked.
"This text is intended for a one-semester introductory course."--Page 1.
. Renewal of Life by Transmission. The most notable distinction between living and inanimate things is that the former maintain themselves by renewal. A stone when struck resists. If its resistance is greater than the force of the blow struck, it remains outwardly unchanged. Otherwise, it is shattered into smaller bits. Never does the stone attempt to react in such a way that it may maintain itself against the blow, much less so as to render the blow a contributing factor to its own continued action. While the living thing may easily be crushed by superior force, it none the less tries to turn the energies which act upon it into means of its own further existence. If it cannot do so, it does not just split into smaller pieces (at least in the higher forms of life), but loses its identity as a living thing. As long as it endures, it struggles to use surrounding energies in its own behalf. It uses light, air, moisture, and the material of soil. To say that it uses them is to say that it turns them into means of its own conservation. As long as it is growing, the energy it expends in thus turning the environment to account is more than compensated for by the return it gets: it grows. Understanding the word "control" in this sense, it may be said that a living being is one that subjugates and controls for its own continued activity the energies that would otherwise use it up. Life is a self-renewing process through action upon the environment.
At the very heart of the conception of the present volume lies the conviction that social economics is a highly pluralistic discipline, inspired and enriched by several often radically different world views, Schumpeterian visions, and at times even quite antagonistic social doctrines. Yet, in spite of all these differences, social economists can nevertheless be seen and also approached as some kind of economic brotherhood for various reasons dissatisfied with the austere "value-free" diet offered by the pOSitivistic neoclassical paradigm. What all social economists seem to have in common is a profound interest in values and the process of valuation in order to more fully understand both economic behavior and the possibilities of improving the economic system. Such a distinguishing characteristic is also well articulated and enshrined in Article I of the Constitution of the Association of Social Economics where we are told that the aims and objectives of the Association shall be: 1. To foster research and publication centered on the reciprocal relationship between economic science and broader questions of human dignity, ethical values, and social philosophy, [and to] encourage the efforts of all scholars who are dedicated to exploring the ethical presuppositions and implications of economic science. 2. To consider the personal and social dimensions of economic problems and to assist in the formulation of economic policies consistent with a concern for ethical values and pluralistic community and the demands of personal dignity.
Triggered by the massive and often violent civil rights and anti-Vietnam War protests of the 1960s, in 1968 the Johnson Administration created the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence to analyze violent protest and to make recommendations on how to reduce it. The report that Jerome H. Skolnick and his team of researchers produced in the remarkably short time span of seven months had a significant influence on policymakers and law enforcers, and also sold over 100,000 copies before going out of print in the early 1980s. The book examined antiwar, student, and black protest, and studied the responses of the law enforcement and judicial communities to violent protest. Forty years later and long out of print, the book remains a classic. In light of new twenty-first-century confrontations including anti-Iraq War demonstrations, face-offs between environmentalists and developers, and the continued specter of street violence between cops and people of disadvantaged communities, the time is ripe to reconsider the report’s findings. In his new preface and introduction, Skolnick compares the trends and events documented in the original report to their present-day forms of protest.