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More than ten thousand men marched through the streets of Munich on April 22, 1919. They were members of Germany's first Red Army, recruited to defend the Bavarian Soviet Republic, under the command of Rudolf Egelhofer, a former sailor in the German Imperial Navy and barely 24 years old. Erich Wollenberg commanded the Red Army Group North (Dachau) infantry as it faced the advancing White Guard composed of Freikorps, backed by the Hoffmann government in Bamberg. It is a story of heroism and betrayal, as the Soviet Republic and the Red Army were crushed in just two weeks. Bonus material includes short biographical details about Wollenberg and Egelhofer, an essay on the Wollenberg-Hoelz "conspiracy" and Stalin's anti-German purge, and the courtroom speech of the leader of the Communist government in Munich, Eugen Leviné.
The tangled affairs in Bavaria at the close of World War I constitute a unique and important part of the early Weimar Republic. This study of the 1918 revolution, based on archival sources such as cabinet protocols and bureaucratic records, traces in detail the overthrow of the Wittelsbach dynasty and the foundation of the Bavarian Republic under Kurt Eisner. It also broadens and balances current understanding of the first Communist attempts to penetrate the heartland of Europe. Originally published in 1965. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Munich 1919 is a vivid portrayal of the chaos that followed World War I and the collapse of the Munich Council Republic by one of the most perceptive chroniclers of German history. Victor Klemperer provides a moving and thrilling account of what turned out to be a decisive turning point in the fate of a nation, for the revolution of 1918-9 not only produced the first German democracy, it also heralded the horrors to come. With the directness of an educated and independent young man, Klemperer turned his hand to political journalism, writing astute, clever and linguistically brilliant reports in the beleaguered Munich of 1919. He sketched intimate portraits of the people of the hour, including Erich Mühsam, Max Levien and Kurt Eisner, and took the measure of the events around him with a keen eye. These observations are made ever more poignant by the inclusion of passages from his later memoirs. In the midst of increasing persecution under the Nazis he reflected on the fateful year 1919, the growing threat of antisemitism, and the acquaintances he made in the period, some of whom would later abandon him, while others remained loyal. Klemperer's account once again reveals him to be a fearless and deeply humane recorder of German history. Munich 1919 will be essential reading for all those interested in 20th century history, constituting a unique witness to events of the period.
"In 1935, Adolf Hitler declared Munich the "Capital of the Movement." It was here that he developed his anti-Semitic beliefs and founded the Nazi party. Though Hitler's immediate milieu during the 1910s and 1920s has received ample attention, this book argues that the Munich of this period is worthy of study in its own right and that the changes the city underwent between 1918 and 1923 are absolutely crucial for understanding the rise of antisemitism and eventually Nazism in Germany. Before 1918, Munich had a decidedly cosmopolitan flavor, but its open atmosphere was shattered by the November Revolution of 1918-19. Jews were prominently represented among many of the European revolutions of the late 1910s and early 1920s, but nowhere did Jewish revolutionaries and government representatives appear in such high numbers as in Munich. The link between Jews and communist revolutionaries was especially strong in the minds of the city's residents. In the aftermath of the revolution and the short-lived Socialist regime that followed, the Jews of Munich experienced a massive backlash. The book unearths the story of Munich as ground zero for the racist and reactionary German Right, revealing how this came about and what it meant for those who lived through it"--
The capital of the Nazi movement was not Berlin but Munich, according to Hitler himself. In examining why, historian David Clay Large begins in Munich four decades before World War I and finds a proto-fascist cultural heritage that proved fertile soil later for Hitler's movement. An engrossing account of the time and place that launched Hitler on the road to power. Photos.
Seminar paper from the year 2022 in the subject History of Germany - World War I, Weimar Republic, grade: 1,0, University of Heidelberg (ZEGK – Historisches Seminar), course: Proseminar: Die Anfänge der Weimarer Republik, language: English, abstract: This term paper is dedicated to the question of how the contemporary representations of the 'Geiselmord' by official bodies and in the press took place, and to what extent these corresponded to the actual events. Furthermore, it is of historical relevance to examine whether the public portrayal of this crime was deliberately instrumentalized, especially in connection with the strengthening of conservative-nationalist and right-wing radical groups and politics in Bavaria between May 1919 and March 1920. In the research literature, a more detailed treatment of the Geiselmord, usually in the context of the Munich soviet republics, their suppression and the strengthening of conservative- nationalist and radical right-wing groups and politics at the beginning of the Weimar Republic in Bavaria, has taken place especially since the 1960s. In the broader context, this increase in interest can be explained by a general shift in the focus of historiographical study at that time from the end of the Weimar Republic to its formative phase and the accompanying more critical examination of the dichotomous thesis, which had previously hardly been questioned, that the Reich and Länder (federal state) governments had no alternative, especially in their action against radical left-wing uprisings in defence of the parliamentary system against a soviet republic, also in terms of cooperation with the 'old elites' and right-wing groups, which had been prominently advocated by Karl D. Erdmann, among others. Early on, Marxist-Leninist historiography in the GDR also dealt with the Geiselmord in connection with the Munich soviet republics, but this either remained with regret about the inconsistent implementation of a revolutionary terror and relativizing comparisons of the number of victims with the subsequent 'white terror'. In contrast, Heinrich Hillmayr critically discussed the concrete events of the Geiselmord, the deeds of government troops and Freikorps, the question of responsibility for them and noted distortions in the public representation of the Geiselmord and their causes. Most recently, Eliza Ablovatski's comparison of the Munich and Hungarian soviet republics in 1919 is probably the most detailed examination of the consequences of the Geiselmord, which, according to her, played a key role in anti-Semitic and anti-Bolshevik propaganda based on a detailed analysis of contemporary media representation and social reception. Thus, in modern research on the political and social conditions in Bavaria in the early Weimar Republic, a significant role is attributed to the Geiselmord, even if the concrete evaluations sometimes diverge. In order to answer the question, the political development of the strengthening of conservative nationalist and radical right-wing groups and politics in Bavaria is first outlined. Then the actual historical event, the execution of ten prisoners in the Luitpoldgymnasium, will be reconstructed and this will then be contrasted with a selection of contemporary accounts of the Geiselmord by official bodies and in the press, whereupon the question of the political and social significance of this narrative will be examined. Finally, the results of this investigation and an outlook are summarized in the conclusion.
A major re-interpretation of international relations in the period from 1919 to 1939. Avoiding such simplistic explanations as appeasement and British decline, Keith Neilson demonstrates that the underlying cause of the Second World War was the intellectual failure to find an effective means of maintaining the new world order created in 1919. With secret diplomacy, alliances and the balance of power seen as having caused the First World War, the makers of British policy after 1919 were forced to rely on such instruments of liberal internationalism as arms control, the League of Nations and global public opinion to preserve peace. Using Britain's relations with Soviet Russia as a focus for a re-examination of Britain's dealings with Germany and Japan, this book shows that these tools were inadequate to deal with the physical and ideological threats posed by Bolshevism, fascism, Nazism and Japanese militarism.