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After it became clear that the UN Security Council would not set up a peacekeeping force to fulfill the role envisaged for it in the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty--supervising the implementation of the treaty and preventing any violation of its terms--the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) was established in its place. This book provides a detailed description of the structure and function of the MFO in order to evaluate its chances for success. In addition, the author has included various documents regarding the MFO's legal basis and organization. The MFO is the first modern multinational peacekeeping force that is independent of any organization; in the future it may serve as a prototype for multinational peacekeeping forces in conflicts and areas in which the UN is unwilling or unable to become involved.
The Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) came about as a result of the Camp David accords. This peacekeeping force (NOT under the auspices of the United Nations) keeps the peace by means of three infantry battalions (one Fijian, one Colombian, one U.S. Army), a Civilian Observation Unit and military men and women from several other countries. Maj. Crabtree, the Press and Visits Officer, served there in 2007 and saw the rise Hamas in Gaza, the mysterious crash of the MFO's Twin Otter, and the lack of popularity of then-President Hosni Mubarak. He provides background information on the history of the region and insights into how things work (or don't work) in Egypt. Crabtree's writing has a biting style and it is supplemented by cartoons drawn by his "acid pen" and photos taken by the author. His take on the Army, the MFO and the absurdity of life in general makes this a must-read.
Focuses on the fundamental principles of the international responsibility of intergovernmental organizations towards third parties.
Since 1948, the United Nations has sponsored virtually every third party peacekeeping mission on Arab· Israeli fronts. Three recent events, however, have been responsible for significantly altering the pattern of peacekeeping in the region: the Camp David accords, which, because they were opposed in the U.N. by the Soviet Union and most Arab nations, prevented U.N. sponsorship of a Sinai peacekeeping force; the June 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, during which the U.N. Interim Force was made to look ineffectual; and the Sabra-Shatila massacres in South Beirut three months later, which prompted the deployment of a multinational peacekeeping force. Dr.Pelcovits analyzes these events to answer the questions they raise about peacekeeping in the Middle East: What advantages are afforded by U.N. peacekeepers compared with non-U.N. missions? What net benefits are derived from American participation in a non-U.N. multinational operation? And how do they compare to the classic U.N. peacekeeping rationale of insulating disputed areas from super power confrontation? Finally, what determines the success of such operations-geopolitical circumstance or institutional affiliation?
After it became clear that the UN Security Council would not set up a peacekeeping force to fulfill the role envisaged for it in the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty--supervising the implementation of the treaty and preventing any violation of its terms--the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) was established in its place. This book provides a detailed description of the structure and function of the MFO in order to evaluate its chances for success. In addition, the author has included various documents regarding the MFO's legal basis and organization. The MFO is the first modern multinational peacekeeping force that is independent of any organization; in the future it may serve as a prototype for multinational peacekeeping forces in conflicts and areas in which the UN is unwilling or unable to become involved.
This book offers a fresh perspective on the impact of the US intervention in Lebanon in 1982 and the decision-making drivers that led the Reagan Administration into the Lebanese Civil War. Based on newly released archival materials from high level Washington officials such as President Reagan, Secretary of State Shultz and Secretary of Defense Weinberger, it argues that the failure of the Reagan Administration to accurately understand the complex political landscape of the Lebanese Civil War resulted in the US-led Multinational Force becoming militarily intertwined in the conflict. This book challenges the notion that Reagan deployed US Marines under the ideals of international peacekeeping, asserting that the US Administration hoped that the Multinational Force would create the political capital that Reagan needed to strengthen the US’ position both in the Middle East and globally. Ultimately, the peacemakers were forced to withdraw as they evolved into antagonists. A case study in the foreign policy doctrines of key Washington decision-makers throughout the 1980s, this project is perfect for any International Relations scholar or interested reader seeking to understand the links between the mistakes of the Reagan Administration and contemporary US interventions in the Middle East.
David and Mady Segal analyze the adaptation of American soldiers assigned to the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) in the Sinai Desert in support of the Camp David Accords, in the context of the evolution of multinational peacekeeping forces as mechanisms for achieving international security. The reactions of soldiers and their wives to the peacekeeping assignment are considered from the perspective of the social construction of reality, in which the role of the military has been defined as war-fighting. The press has ignored peacekeeping until very recently, and it falls to military organizations, to soldiers and their families, to make sense of the mission. Lessons learned from the Sinai MFO experience should be used to help U.S. troops better prepare for their increasing role in multinational peacekeeping.