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This collection contains a selection of papers presented a the very First All-European Canandian Studies Conference that took place in The Hague, October 24-27, 1990. This unique meeting took place for the first time in the history of Canadian Studies. The focus of the papers is on the future rather than the past and it took place at a moment in time when Canada went through major crises that raised serious doubts about the country’s future. The papers of this volume explore the main issues and problems that Canada faces. The volume contains sections on demography, environmental problems, economic transformations, Canadian identity, political power structure, aboriginal issues and Canada’s international relations. As a whole the book takes stock where Canada stands and where it is going.
The first and second editions of Constitutional Odyssey, published in 1992 and 1993 respectively, received wide-ranging praise for their ability to inform the public debate. This third edition continues in that tradition.
In 1982 Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau realized his life's ambition: the patriation of the Canadian constitution and the enshrinement of a Charter of Rights and Freedoms. At the same time he dealt a severe blow to his arch-enemies, the nationalists in Quebec who believed that a significant and rewarding partnership with Canada was possible without renouncing their identity as Quebecers. Laforest reveals that Trudeau betrayed the trust of the people of Quebec during the 1980 referendum on sovereignty-association and contends that the whole patriation exercise, completed without the consent of Quebec, is not legitimate in that province. He also holds Trudeau responsible for the ultimate rejection of the "distinct society" clause in the Meech Lake Accord, which had given a glimmer of hope to Quebec federalists. Trudeau and the End of a Canadian Dream shows how constitutional reform, and the political culture it fostered, shattered the hopes of those who believed that being both a Canadian and a Quebecer was possible.
Convinced that education was one of the essential keys to the renewal and growth of their communities, revitalized Francophone organizations and leaders lobbied for constitutional entrenchment of official bilingualism and of a mandated Charter right to education in their own language, including the right to governance over their own schools and school boards. Having achieved their objectives in the 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Francophone provincial and national leaders learned the techniques of micro-constitutional politics to convince the Ontario, Alberta, and Manitoba provincial governments to implement full and unfettered school governance by and for Francophone minority communities. These communities received the backing of Canada's Supreme Court, which gave a collectivist and remedial interpretation to the Charter's official language minority education rights section 23. The Canadian government assisted the Francophone minority in two ways: it made funds available to Francophone organizations and parents via the Court Challenges program and it signed lucrative financial agreements with the provinces to help defray the additional costs of establishing French-language schools and school boards. While the Francophone minority communities were pursuing implementation of their section 23 Charter rights, they found themselves drawn into the mega-constitutional negotiations and ratification procedures surrounding the controversial Meech Lake Constitutional Accord, 1987-90, and the omnibus Charlottetown Consensus Report, 1990-92. During the Quebec/Provincial Round, their Charter rights remained intact when the Meech Lake Accord failed to obtain ratification. During the Canada Round, they managed to obtain recognition of their conception of a pan-Canadian cultural and linguistic duality which helped minimize the constitutional and political impact of the Quebec government's insistence upon a territorial conception of duality, that is, an asymmetrical Canada/Quebec federation. When Canadians rejected the Charlottetown deal, neither conception achieved formal constitutional recognition. Nevertheless, Canada's Francophone minority communities were regenerated by the intertwined developments of constitutional renewal and their winning of school governance. A new, vigorous Francophone pan-Canadian national community emerged, one capable of ensuring the survival of its constituents communities well into the twenty-first century.
This collection of papers seeks to bridge the divide between English and French Canada by bringing to light the distinctive viewpoints of those two sides regarding historical events. It chronicles 34 events that have marked political relations between the two linguistic communities from the arrival of the British in 1759 through to the 1995 Quebec referendum. Each event is summarized from the viewpoint of both Anglophones and Francophones. Chapter 1 covers early events including the British conquest, the 1830s rebellions, Confederation, and the hanging of Louis Riel. Chapter 2 covers the making of the welfare state, including unemployment insurance, tax rental agreements, pension plans, and health insurance. Chapter 3 covers Canadian identity events such as creation of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, adoption of a new flag, and bilingualism & multiculturalism policies. Chapter 4 covers events in Quebec since the Quiet Revolution, including the DeGaulle visit in 1967, the October 1970 crisis, Quebec language laws, and the 1982 patriation of the Constitution. Chapter 5 covers economic debates, including the Churchill Falls power contract and the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement. The final chapter is entitled "Failed reconciliation" and includes papers on the Meech Lake Accord, the 1990 crisis at Oka, and the Charlottetown accord of 1992. Includes index.
In a book that Naomi Klein says could "change the world," Anthony Hall shows that the globalization debate actually began in 1492.
"Federalism in Canada tells the turbulent story of shared sovereignty and divided governance from Confederation to the present time. It does so with three main objectives in mind. The first objective is to convince readers that federalism is the primary animating force in Canadian politics, and that it is therefore worth engaging with its complex nature and dynamic. The second objective is to bring into closer focus the contested concepts about the meaning and operation of federalism that all along have been at the root of the divide between English Canada and Quebec in particular. The third objective is to give recognition to the trajectory of Canada's Indigenous peoples in the context of Canadian federalism, from years of abusive neglect to belated efforts of inclusion. The book focuses on the constitution with its ambiguous allocation of divided powers, the pivotal role of the courts in balancing these powers, and the political leaders whose interactions oscillate between intergovernmental conflict and cooperation. This focus on executive leadership and judicial supervision is framed by considerations of Canada's regionalized political economy and cultural diversity, giving students an interesting and nuanced view of federalism in Canada."--
Canadians have demonstrated a remarkable sense of unity about protection of their "cultural industries" during the continuing national debate over free trade. This study of the effect of American popular culture on Canada is therefore particularly relevant.