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First published in 1989, this is the third of three volumes exploring the changing notions of patriotism in British life from the thirteenth century to the late twentieth century and constitutes an attempt to come to terms with the power of the national idea through a historically informed critique. This volume studies some of the leading figures of national myth, such as Britannia and John Bull. One group of essays looks at the idea of distinctively national landscape and the ways in which it corresponds to notions of social order. A chapter on the poetry of Edmund Spenser explores metaphorical representations of Britain as a walled garden, and the idea of an enchanted national space is taken up in a series of essays on literature, theatre and cinema. An introductory piece charts some of the startling changes in the image of national character, from the seventeenth-century notion of the English as the most melancholy people in Europe, to the more uncertain and conflicting images of today.
A provocative view into the impact of secular thought on the framework of American religious life.
The United States is at a turning point in 2020. The political culture is polarized, and people are not satisfied with much of anything that is going on in the country. We have forsaken some fundamental things that our Founding Fathers understood to be worthy of sacrifice for the promise of a new nation. Thomas Paine wrote about one of those fundamentals in 1776, and framed the expectations for the start of this new nation with his original book "Common Sense". 244 years later, here we are again - but this time the enemy is within. We have lost sight of Common Sense. Throughout all of human history, no one has actually defined the standards for what Common Sense should be. Without standards, the meaning and importance of an ideology, thought, or value is lost over time - especially over 244 years. Common Sense - A 20/20 Perspective identifies four fundamental elements that comprise what Common Sense is, and starts by answering two very important questions: 1) How do we know what Common Sense is?2) How do we know if we are using it? This book captures the fundamentals of understanding what Common Sense is, how to identify the best ways to use it for daily living and personal improvement, and discusses some of the major challenges to using Common Sense and how to overcome those challenges in the United States today. This is the first time in human history where Common Sense as a body of knowledge is defined, analyzed, and applied in a comprehensive, reproducible fashion that can be established for use in a scientific manner to the challenges we face as a nation and as individual citizens. Written by a combat veteran, the urgency and love of country in this book are a clarion call for everyone to rise to the challenge and better their own lives - thereby making this nation better in the process. We CAN make America great again - starting with everyone who reads this book. Common Sense - A 20/20 Perspective is a great gift for every red-blooded American patriot and their social circle. It is a fantastic gift of knowledge to the younger generations who have been indoctrinated with less than adequate knowledge, and can be used as an instrumental tool to counter the indoctrination of the media and public education systems. Order today - make Common Sense great again!
Between the Great War and Pearl Harbor, conservative labor leaders declared themselves America's "first line of defense" against Communism. In this surprising account, Jennifer Luff shows how the American Federation of Labor fanned popular anticommunism b
The way that movements communicate with the general public matters for their chances of lasting success. Deva Woodly argues that the potential for movement-led political change is significantly rooted in mainstream democratic discourse and specifically in the political acceptance of new issues by news media, the general public, and elected officials. This is true to some extent for any group wishing to alter status quo distributions of rights and/or resources, but is especially important for grassroots challengers who do not already have a place of legitimated influence in the polity. By examining the talk of two contemporary movements, the living wage and marriage equality, during the critical decade after their emergence between 1994-2004, Woodly shows that while the living wage movement experienced over 120 policy victories and the marriage equality movement suffered many policy defeats, the overall impact that marriage equality had on changing American politics was much greater than that of the living wage because of its deliberate effort to change mainstream political discourse, and thus, the public understanding of the politics surrounding the issue.
There is an undercover war going on in America that impacts everyone's life far more than the legal issues that typically grab the headlines. The conservative movement has been systematically turning back a century's worth of the evolving gains and protections found in the common law-the areas of law that affect the everyday activities of ordinary people. Throughout the twentieth century, contract, property, and personal injury law evolved to take more account of social conditions and the needs of consumers, workers, and less powerful members of American society. Contracts were interpreted in light of common sense, property ownership was subjected to reasonable-use provisions to protect the environment, and consumers were protected against dangerous products. But all that is changing. Conservatives have a clear agenda to turn back the clock on the common law to maximize the profits of big business. Some significant inroads have already been made to protect gun manufacturers from lawsuits, enforce form contracts that prevent employees from suing for discrimination, and hamper the government's protection of the environment against aggressive development, for example. More rollbacks are on the horizon. Although this aspect of the conservative agenda is not as visible as assaults on abortion rights and civil liberties, it may ultimately have even greater impact on our society. Jay M. Feinman's book is an accessible, eye-opening primer, full of vivid examples and case histories-from victims of medical malpractice who cannot recover damages to people who relinquish their right to sue by applying for a job. If you subscribe to any of these common myths of twenty-first-century America, you will find surprising facts and illuminating analysis in Un-Making Law: The "All-American Blame Game" has corrupted our moral fiber-everyone is looking for a scapegoat to sue whenever anything goes wrong. Malpractice lawsuits have gone sky-high in recent years, forcing insurance companies reluctantly to raise rates and forcing doctors out of practice. Consumers and employees agree to arbitration because it is a much simpler, less expensive, and fairer way to resolve contract disputes. The government invades the rights of private property owners when it protects endangered species and regulates land development.
In the spirit of Thomas Paine's eighteenth century book, Common Sense, this new little book, Common Sense in the 21st Century, was written at a time when our country desperately needs some common sense in Washington. Written in an easy to read direct to the point format, this publication was written for all Americans, not for the liberals or the conservatives, but for all. Nearly two hundred and fifty years after Thomas Paine's writing of Common Sense, America desperately needs a new common sense approach one more suited for the 21st century. Enclosed you will find some common sense approaches to campaign finance reform, legislative reform, tax reform, government regulation, heathcare, education, welfare, social security, immigration, the legal system, and more. Every great invention known to mankind has its beginning from just a single thought or idea. The author's sole intention of this writing is not fame or fortune but to provoke thought, discussion, creativity and most importantly improve our government and hopefully our society. If one, just one idea from this publication can take root, gain national recognition and create a significant actual change for the betterment of our nation then all the time and effort would have been worth it. Surely you can find one thing enclosed within the pages of this publication that you feel has legitimate merit worthy of your time and attention. Maybe together we can make a difference. Let's spread the word throughout social media until every politician, civic leader, and political journalist has read this publication. Let's make a change for the better together. We can make a difference.
Much environmental activism is caught in a logic that plays science against emotion, objective evidence against partisan aims, and human interest against a nature that has intrinsic value. Radical activists, by contrast, play down the role of science in determining environmental politics, but read their solutions to environmental problems off fixed theories of domination and oppression. Both of these approaches are based in a modern epistemology grounded in the fundamental dichotomy between the human and the natural. This binary has historically come about through the colonial oppression of other, non-Western and often non-binary ways of knowing nature and living in the world. There is an urgent need for a different, decolonised environmental activist strategy that moves away from this epistemology, recognises its colonial heritage and finds a different ground for environmental beliefs and politics. This book analyses the arguments and practices of anti-GMO activists at three different sites – the site of science, the site of the Bt cotton controversy in India, and the site of global environmental protest – to show how we can move beyond modern/colonial binaries. It will do so in dialogue with Gilles Deleuze, Bruno Latour, María Lugones, and Gayatri C. Spivak, as well as a broader range of postcolonial and decolonial bodies of thought.
By understanding how and when common sense fails, we can improve our understanding of the present and better plan for the future. Drawing on the latest scientific research, along with a wealth of historical and contemporary examples, Watts shows how common sense reasoning and history conspire to mislead us into believing that we understand more about the world of human behavior than we do; and in turn, why attempts to predict, manage, or manipulate social and economic systems so often go awry. It seems obvious, for example, that people respond to incentives; yet policy makers and managers alike frequently fail to anticipate how people will respond to the incentives they create. Social trends often seem to be driven by certain influential people; yet marketers have been unable to identify these “influencers” in advance. And although successful products or companies always seem in retrospect to have succeeded because of their unique qualities, predicting the qualities of the next hit product or hot company is notoriously difficult even for experienced professionals. Watts' argument has important implications in politics, business, and marketing, as well as in science and everyday life.
Examining a wide range of source material including popular culture, literature, photography, television, and visual art, this collection of essays sheds light on the misrepresentations of Latina/os in the mass media.