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Malaysia is at a political and economic crossroad, and the direction it takes is of vital importance to the whole Southeast Asian region. This important book is the first comprehensive analysis of contemporary Malaysia and the struggle for its political and economic leadership.
Mahathir Mohamad’s legacy as Malaysia’s longest serving prime minister (1981–2003) is deeply controversial. His engagement with Islam, the religion of just over half Malaysia’s population, has often been dismissed as partisan maneuvering. Yet his willingness to countenance a more prominent place for Islam in government and society is what distinguished him from other modernist politicians, and his instinct to set Malaysian politics against the backdrop of the wider Muslim world was politically astute. Author Sven Schottmann argues that Mahathir’s transformative effect on Malaysia can only be fully appreciated if we also take him seriously as one of the postcolonial Muslim world’s most significant political thought leaders. Schottmann sees Mahathir’s representations of Islam as a relatively coherent discourse that can legitimately be described as “Mahathir’s Islam.” This discourse contains Mahathir’s assessment of the economic, political, and sociocultural problems facing the contemporary Muslim world and the range of solutions and corrective measures that he proposed Muslims should adopt. His ideas are fraught with flaws and contradictions. On the one hand, he emphasized the individualistic, egalitarian, pluralistic, democratic, and dynamic qualities of Islam. On the other, his government enacted legislation and acquiesced in the activities of religious bodies that curtailed religious freedoms of both Muslims and non-Muslims. His ideas contributed to Malaysia’s worsening state of interethnic relations, yet his insistence that every Muslim had the right to speak for Islam may have, paradoxically, prepared the ground for a future democratization of Malaysian politics. Mahathir’s Islam is based on rigorous analysis of Mahathir’s speeches, interviews, and writings, which the author is able to link to parallel processes elsewhere in the Muslim world—Indonesia, the Middle East, Pakistan, Turkey, and diaspora communities in the West. Mahathir’s Islamic discourse, Schottmann suggests, must be read against the wider late twentieth-century resurgence of religion in general, and the post-1970s Islamic revival in particular. Balanced in approach and engagingly written, this book will be of interest to scholars and students of political science, religious studies, and others interested in Malaysia, Southeast Asia, or Mahathir himself.
Mahathir Mohamad turned Malaysia into one of the developing world's most successful economies. He adopted pragmatic economic policies alongside repressive political measures and showed that Islam was compatible with representative government and modernization. He emerged as a Third World champion and Islamic spokesman by standing up to the West.
The planned retirement in October 2003 of Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Prime Minister of Malaysia since July 1981, has occasioned many instant assessments of the Mahathir legacy. In contrast, this book takes a hard look at the long-term social transformation behind the dramatic politics of the Mahathir era. It ranges over issues of political economy, ideology, interethnic relations, the challenge of Islam and the complexities of leadership transition. Khoo Boo Teik explains how the Mahathir regimes's mid-1990's Asian values triumphalism was replaced by the turn-of-the-millenium pessimism and the spectre of a second Malay dilemma. He aims to bring to life Mahathir's predicaments, the contradictions in Anwar Ibrahim's chequered career, and the cultural imperatives behind the historic rise of the Alternative Front's rainbow coalition. The result is an informed lay reader's guide to the momentous, disturbing and even inspiring events which overturned easy assumptions about ethnic politics in Malaysia, tested the regime's economic management, revealed the vitality of cultural revolt, and raised fundamental questions about the directions of the country post-Mahathir.
A collection of opinion pieces published in the mass media after Abdullah Badawi became Malaysia's Prime Minister in October, 2004, which analyse the many difficult aspects of leadership that have been facing him over the last two years.
This study was carried out in Johor and Kedah through a combination of focus groups, formal and informal interviews and long-term ethnographic participant observation. Johor was selected for this study because it is the birthplace and long-time bastion of UMNO while Kedah was of interest because of the Mahathir family legacy in the state. The study shows that the rural vote is not homogeneous; views and perceptions that could lead to electoral action differs between regions, ages and genders. Daily survival and rising costs of living are the key common issues that were raised across all regions. The importance of Malay rights and the priority of Islam are also important to the rural voter. Another common problem mentioned is that of the middleman who prevents allocated funds or financial assistance from reaching the average rural resident. Malay cultural norms, traditional obligations of loyalty and patronage politics are major factors that affect the decisions of older rural voters. Younger voters might be open to the idea of a new government, but they need to overcome community and family pressure to break away from generational practices of voting for Barisan Nasional. Some rural voters feel that they gain no benefits from having either side of the political divide in power. While these voters generally do not see the point of voting, a last-minute decision to vote may go the way of the party that provides them with immediate gains.
This book uses the concepts of rent and rent-seeking to study Malaysian political economy.