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“A brilliant and bracing analysis of the Palestine question and settler colonialism . . . a vital lens into movement lawyering on the international plane.” —Vasuki Nesiah, New York University, founding member of Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) Justice in the Question of Palestine is often framed as a question of law. Yet none of the Israel-Palestinian conflict’s most vexing challenges have been resolved by judicial intervention. Occupation law has failed to stem Israel’s settlement enterprise. Laws of war have permitted killing and destruction during Israel’s military offensives in the Gaza Strip. The Oslo Accord’s two-state solution is now dead letter. Justice for Some offers a new approach to understanding the Palestinian struggle for freedom, told through the power and control of international law. Focusing on key junctures—from the Balfour Declaration in 1917 to present-day wars in Gaza—Noura Erakat shows how the strategic deployment of law has shaped current conditions. Over the past century, the law has done more to advance Israel’s interests than the Palestinians’. But, Erakat argues, this outcome was never inevitable. Law is politics, and its meaning and application depend on the political intervention of states and people alike. Within the law, change is possible. International law can serve the cause of freedom when it is mobilized in support of a political movement. Presenting the promise and risk of international law, Justice for Some calls for renewed action and attention to the Question of Palestine. “Careful and captivating . . . This book asks that the Palestinian liberation struggle and Jewish-Israeli society each reckon with the impossibility of a two-state future, reimagining what their interests are—and what they could become.” —Amanda McCaffrey, Jewish Currents
The Case for Israel is an ardent defense of Israel's rights, supported by indisputable evidence. Presents a passionate look at what Israel's accusers and detractors are saying about this war-torn country. Dershowitz accuses those who attack Israel of international bigotry and backs up his argument with hard facts. Widely respected as a civil libertarian, legal educator, and defense attorney extraordinaire, Alan Dershowitz has also been a passionate though not uncritical supporter of Israel.
A history of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians from the perspective of international law that examines the extent to which legitimate interests remain to be fulfilled.
This book critically analyzes the Palestinian legal arguments against Israeli occupation and in favor of Palestinian statehood. For the past two decades, Palestinians have chosen to pursue their claims against the Israeli occupation through litigation at the international courts. It is therefore appropriate, the author contends, to analyze the merits of the Palestinian legal claims separately from their political claims. To do so, the book comprises five parts: Part I addresses the role of international law in the conflict as well as Palestinian legal framing and lawfare. Part II recounts the relevant legal history, including the crucial legal implications of the Oslo Accords. Part III analyzes Palestinian legal claims regarding the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Part IV assesses the Palestinian legal case for statehood. Part V analyzes Palestinian legal claims regarding Jerusalem. Ultimately, it is argued that the Palestinian legal case is weak and that the two-state solution continues to represent the most viable long-term political outcome to the conflict. Moreover, the author suggests that Palestinian leaders have repeatedly opted for conflict perpetuation through lawfare and violence, rather than conflict resolution through negotiation. Providing fresh insights into the claims and counterclaims of Palestinian legitimacy, the book will appeal broadly to anyone interested in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and international law.
"This book critically analyzes the Palestinian legal arguments against Israeli occupation and in favor of Palestinian statehood. For the past two decades, Palestinians have chosen to pursue their claims against the Israeli occupation through litigation at the international courts. It is therefore appropriate, the author contends, to analyze the merits of the Palestinian legal claims separately from their political claims. To do so, the book comprises five parts: - Part I addresses the role of international law in the conflict, as well as Palestinian legal framing and lawfare. - Part II recounts the relevant legal history, including the crucial legal implications of the Oslo Accords. - Part III analyzes Palestinian legal claims regarding the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. - Part IV assesses the Palestinian legal case for statehood. - Part V analyzes Palestinian legal claims regarding Jerusalem. Ultimately, it is argued that the Palestinian legal case is weak and that the two-state solution continues to represent the most viable long-term political outcome to the conflict. Moreover, the author suggests that Palestinian leaders have repeatedly opted for conflict perpetuation through lawfare and violence, rather than conflict resolution through negotiation. Providing fresh insights into the claims and counterclaims of Palestinian legitimacy, the book will appeal broadly to anyone interested in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and international law"--
Palestine as a territorial entity has experienced a curious history. Until World War I, Palestine was part of the sprawling Ottoman Empire. After the war, Palestine came under the administration of Great Britain by an arrangement with the League of Nations. In 1948 Israel established itself in part of Palestine's territory, and Egypt and Jordan assumed administration of the remainder. By 1967 Israel took control of the sectors administered by Egypt and Jordan and by 1988 Palestine reasserted itself as a state. Recent years saw the international community acknowledging Palestinian statehood as it promotes the goal of two independent states, Israel and Palestine, co-existing peacefully. This book draws on evidence from the 1924 League of Nations mandate to suggest that Palestine was constituted as a state at that time. Palestine remained a state after 1948, even as its territory underwent permutation, and this book provides a detailed account of how Palestine has been recognized until the present day.
In this book, Hedi Viterbo radically challenges our picture of law, human rights, and childhood, both in and beyond the Israel/Palestine context. He reveals how Israel, rather than disregarding international law and children's rights, has used them to hone and legitimize its violence against Palestinians. He exposes the human rights community's complicity in this situation, due to its problematic assumptions about childhood, its uncritical embrace of international law, and its recurring emulation of Israel's security discourse. He examines how, and to what effect, both the state and its critics manufacture, shape, and weaponize the categories 'child' and 'adult.' Bridging disciplinary divides, Viterbo analyzes hundreds of previously unexamined sources, many of which are not publicly available. Bold, sophisticated, and informative, Problematizing Law, Rights, and Childhood in Israel/Palestine provides unique insights into the ever-tightening relationship between law, children's rights, and state violence, at both the local and global levels.
This book critically analyzes the Palestinian legal arguments against Israeli occupation and in favor of Palestinian statehood. For the past two decades, Palestinians have chosen to pursue their claims against the Israeli occupation through litigation at the international courts. It is therefore appropriate, the author contends, to analyze the merits of the Palestinian legal claims separately from their political claims. To do so, the book comprises five parts: Part I addresses the role of international law in the conflict as well as Palestinian legal framing and lawfare. Part II recounts the relevant legal history, including the crucial legal implications of the Oslo Accords. Part III analyzes Palestinian legal claims regarding the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Part IV assesses the Palestinian legal case for statehood. Part V analyzes Palestinian legal claims regarding Jerusalem. Ultimately, it is argued that the Palestinian legal case is weak even though the two-state solution continues to represent the most viable long-term political outcome to the conflict. Moreover, the author suggests that Palestinian leaders have repeatedly opted for conflict perpetuation through lawfare and violence, rather than conflict resolution through negotiation. Providing fresh insights into the claims and counterclaims of Palestinian legal arguments, the book will appeal broadly to anyone interested in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and international law.
In 1948, the State of Israel was founded. While the philosophy of Zionism that advocated for a Jewish homeland in what was then known as Palestine dates back to 1897, the creation of Israel in 1948 was justified by the terrible crime of the Holocaust committed by Nazi Germany during WWII. Many defenders of Israel would like us to believe that the creation of Israel was a peaceful process on a barely populated land, however, this is far from true. Rather, the creation of Israel was accompanied by what is known by the Palestinians as the Nakba(catastrophe)—an operation in which 700,000 Palestinians were violently expelled from their land and their homes. Since that time, Israel has continued to usurp more and more land from the Palestinians who they falsely portray as a people without a history and without a culture. Israel has been particularly cruel to the people of Gaza—70 percent of whom are refugees from the 1948 Nakba. Gaza has been converted by Israel into what some call a giant open-air prison surrounded by barbed wire. It is in this context that we are currently witnessing the tragic violence between Israel and the people of Gaza—violence on a scale not seen in this land since the Nakba of 1948. Indeed, many Palestinians are calling this a second Nakba, with around 1.5 million Palestinians already displaced and thousands killed. All of this is being accomplished by Israel with critical military and diplomatic support from the United States. This second Nakba is also being facilitated by the mainstream press that both downplays and justifies what many believe to be genocidal violence against the Palestinian people. The Case for Palestine is written as a counternarrative, with the hope that, if the truth is told, this violence and displacement can be stopped before it is too late; before Gaza is no more.