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In this book, author Nader Moumneh–a Canadian senior policy adviser of Lebanese descent– examines the research of the formation and evolution of the Christian resistance in Lebanon he performed as a graduate student at the American University of Beirut in the early 1990s. He has conducted hundreds of lengthy interviews with senior Lebanese Forces leaders who were thoroughly impressed by his communicative yet assertive personality, his scrupulous presentation of facts, his obsessive attention to detail, and most importantly, his unwavering determination to unveil behind-the-scenes events. Mr. Moumneh drew upon his self-acquired persuasion tactics and negotiation strategies to earn the Lebanese Forces’ trust and gain access to top secret, never-before published information. Since then, he has continually revised and expanded the manuscript to address the rapidly changing situation in Lebanon and the Middle East. The Lebanese Forces: Emergence and Transformation of the Christian Resistance has taken twenty-five years to produce and is unique in its own right. Mr. Moumneh’s work is not a typical re-telling of the Lebanese crisis, rather it is a magnificent blend of skillful craftsmanship, an unprecedented wealth of painstakingly referenced chronological research and now declassified intelligence information.
This volume examines Lebanon’s post-2011 security dilemmas and the tenuous civil-military relations. The Syrian civil war has strained the Lebanese Armed Forces’ (LAF) cohesion and threatens its neutrality – its most valued assets in a divided society. The spill-over from the Syrian civil war and Hezbollah’s military engagement has magnified the security challenges facing the Army, making it a target. Massive foreign grants have sought to strengthen its military capability, stabilize the country and contain the Syria crisis. However, as this volume demonstrates, the real weakness of the LAF is not its lack of sophisticated armoury, but the fragile civil–military relations that compromise its fighting power, cripple its neutrality and expose it to accusations of partisanship and political bias. This testifies to both the importance of and the challenges facing multi-confessional armies in deeply divided countries.
Bashir Gemayel personified a cause the Lebanese Christians fought for throughout their history: To live in Lebanon with complete freedom and security. After being elected President in 1982, Bashir was assassinated before he could take office. But his powerful words which inspired a nation remain. Bashir had a deep historical understanding of the cause he was fighting for as well as the geopolitics affecting it, and he combined that with exceptional communication skills.Bashir's most important speeches took place from 1979 to 1982. His speeches consisted of simple ideas in a simple language. He spoke with passion, charisma, logic, clarity, specificity, simplicity, and frankness, and used references and examples from everyday life. Unlike other leaders or presidents who used formal Arabic for their speeches, Bashir mostly used colloquial Lebanese which made him closer to the audience. This book presents his most important speeches, in English, with analysis.
The war for Lebanon -- a conflict of domestic and external forces seeking to shape and control the Lebanese entity -- began long before 1970 and unfortunately did not end in 1983. But these years, the focus of this book, form a particularly significant phase in the history of both Lebanon and its immediate environment. The events of this period unfolded through 4 distinct stages: the collapse of the Lebanese political system between 1970 and 1975; the civil war of 1975-76; the lingering crisis of the years 1976-82; and the war of 1982. This book primarily explores the interplay between Lebanon's domestic politics and developments in the larger Middle East.
James Ron uses controversial comparisons between Serbia and Israel to present a novel theory of state violence. Formerly a research consultant to Human Rights Watch and the International Red Cross, Ron witnessed remarkably different patterns of state coercion. Frontiers and Ghettos presents an institutional approach to state violence, drawing on Ron's field research in the Middle East, Balkans, Chechnya, Turkey, and Africa, as well as dozens of rare interviews with military veterans, officials, and political activists on all sides. Studying violence from the ground up, the book develops an exciting new framework for analyzing today's nationalist wars.
This study demonstrates that Syria's role in the Middle East has been, since 1974, an unabated terrorist war against all attempts to resolve peacefully the Arab-Israeli conflict. Marius Deeb provides evidence that Syria's role in Lebanon, since 1975, has been to perpetuate the conflict among the various Lebanese communities in order to keep its domination of Lebanon.
This book provides a wide-ranging exploration of the legacy of Lebanon’s peace agreement in the 30 years since it was signed. The chapters in this edited volume have been written by leading scholars and provide in-depth analyses of key issues in postwar Lebanon, including the performance of power-sharing, human rights, communal memory and sectarianism, conflict and peace, militias, political parties and elections. A core strength of the book is the multidisciplinary approach to understanding postwar Lebanon, ranging from political science, international relations, sociology, conflict and peace studies, history and memory studies. The multidisciplinary character of the book allows for a rich and detailed evaluation of the ongoing legacy and consequences of Lebanon’s postwar settlement. The book will be of interest to scholars, students and people interested in contemporary Lebanese politics and society. It will also be attractive for a wider international audience interested in the consequences of postwar power-sharing systems and peace processes. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the journal, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics.
Long before Mexico, Colombia, and Afghanistan became notorious for their contributions to the global drug traffic, Lebanon was a special target of U.S. drug agents for harboring the world's greatest single transit port in the international traffic in narcotics. In the words of one American official, "certain of the largest traffickers are so influential politically, and certain highly placed officials so deeply involved in the narcotic traffic, that one might well state that the Lebanese Government is in the narcotics business." Using previously secret government records, The Lebanese Connection uncovers for the first time the story of how Lebanon's economy and political system were corrupted by drug profits—and how, by financing its many ruthless militia, Lebanon's drug trade contributed to the country's greatest catastrophe, its fifteen-year civil war from 1975 to 1990. In so doing, this book sheds new light on the dangerous role of vast criminal enterprises in the collapse of states and the creation of war economies that thrive in the midst of civil conflicts. Taking a regional approach to the drug issue, Jonathan Marshall assesses the culpability of Syria, Israel, and of Palestinian factions and other groups that used Lebanon as their battleground. On the international level, he documents Lebanon's contribution to the hard drug problem of major consuming countries, from the days of the "French Connection" through the "Pizza Connection," as well as Lebanon's unrivaled place in the global hashish market.