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In times of disenchantment with democracy and 'erosion' of the system of checks and balances, the book proposes to reflect upon the main problems of our constitutional democracies, from a particular regulative ideal: that of the conversation among equals.
"I am writing this book during difficult political times (and I am writing it at this particular moment largely because of them). We live in the era of the "Arab Spring," Occupy Wall Street in the United States, and the rise of Syriza in Greece and Podemos in Spain, not to mention the 'They all must go' movement in Argentina ("Que se vayan todos "). It is a time of massive demonstrations and protest against current authorities in Catalonia and Ecuador, a time when millions have descended to the streets to demand President Piñera's resignation in Chile. Many of our constitutional democracies seem haunted by the same specter, that of "democratic fatigue" or "discontent." Citizens seem fed up with their government institutions and tired of those who represent them in it. The notion of "democratic fatigue" and the related sense that democracy is being "eroded from within" to the point of being hollowed out are commonplace in the current social science literature (I am writing in the fall of 2019). No longer are we as worried by the prospect of democracies "dying in a single blow" as was typical in the recent post-colonial era of military coups and dictatorships. Rather, we now talk about the "slow death" of our democracies through a gradual "dismantling" of their institutions by leaders who have consolidated their power in a series of arguably legal moves"--
In a time of disenchantment with democracy, massive social protests and the 'erosion' of the system of checks and balances, this book proposes to reflect upon the main problems of our constitutional democracies from a particular regulative ideal: that of the conversation among equals. It examines the structural character of the current democratic crisis, and the way in which, from its origins, constitutions were built around a 'discomfort with democracy'. In this sense, the book critically explores the creation of different restraints upon majority rule and collective debate: constitutional rights that are presented as limits to (and not, fundamentally, as a product of) democratic debate; an elitist system of judicial review; a checks and balances scheme that discourages, rather than promotes, dialogue between the different branches of power; etc. Finally, the book proposes a dignified constitutional democracy aimed at enabling fraternal conversation within the framework of a community of equals.
Scholars from political science and law examine the latest research on the constitutionalization of politics in comparative perspective. The scope includes both inter- country and intra- country perspectives, institutional and systemic analyses, common and civil law systems, focusing on historical and contemporary case studies. There are chapters limited to a concrete legal and political system, analyzing the tools and processes guarding constitutionalization of politics in such countries as the United States, Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Finland, and Bulgaria, as well as studies offering comparative analysis of various institutions representing different countries and different legal and political systems. Taken together, this book uncovers a wide variety of legal and political cultures, systems of governments, and forms of territorial organization. Once uncovered, this approach makes it easier to determine repetitive patterns which may be observed in constitutional review and constitutional interpretation, or significant differences occurring in the models of constitutionalization of politics around the world. Constitutionalization of Politics in Comparative Perspective tackles important debates among academics interested in the theoretical and practical aspects of constitutions and constitutionalism and will appeal to social scientists, including sociologists, philosophers, security studies and international relations experts but also cultural studies scholars.
We live in a world of one-size-fits-all law. People are different, but the laws that govern them are uniform. "Personalized Law"---rules that vary person by person---will change that. Here is a vision of a brave new world, where each person is bound by their own personally-tailored law. "Reasonable person" standards would be replaced by a multitude of personalized commands, each individual with their own "reasonable you" rule. Skilled doctors would be held to higher standards of care, the most vulnerable consumers and employees would receive stronger protections, age restrictions for driving or for the consumption of alcohol would vary according the recklessness risk that each person poses, and borrowers would be entitled to personalized loan disclosures tailored to their unique needs and delivered in a format fitting their mental capacity. The data and algorithms to administer personalize law are at our doorstep, and embryos of this regime are sprouting. Should we welcome this transformation of the law? Does personalized law harbor a utopic promise, or would it produce alienation, demoralization, and discrimination? This book is the first to explore personalized law, offering a vision of law and robotics that delegates to machines those tasks humans are least able to perform well. It inquires how personalized law can be designed to deliver precision and justice and what pitfalls the regime would have to prudently avoid. In this book, Omri Ben-Shahar and Ariel Porat not only present this concept in a clear, easily accessible way, but they offer specific examples of how personalized law may be implemented across a variety of real-life applications.
Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. "More Than Merely Equal Consideration"? -- 2. Prescriptivity and Redundancy -- 3. Looking for a Range Property -- 4. Power and Scintillation -- 5. A Religious Basis for Equality? -- 6. The Profoundly Disabled as Our Human Equals -- Index
This book offers a fresh approach to human rights by analyzing the role of institutional checks and balances, governmentalism and system's approach, intended for the prevention of human rights violations, the enforcement of human rights norms and rules, and important actors such as International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGO), and domestic Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). The book presents case studies that offer innovative, political, historical, and social perspectives on how the International Human Rights Regime (IHRG) is practiced. It critically examines the interpretation, inconsistency, and application of the human rights norms in the Global South, and shows how the national mobilization of human rights is directly affected by the interdependence existing between the national and the transnational levels. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students, and practitioners of human rights, and more broadly of comparative politics, international law, global governance, international and nongovernmental organizations.
This book is a compilation of twenty essays prepared for the occasion of the XIII Academic Conference of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Colombia, held in Bogota in January 2019. Gathering some of the most prominent authors in constitutionalism and legal theory, the chapters critically examine classical debates, such as the role of judicial review in a democracy, the enforcement of socio-economic rights, the doctrine of unconstitutional amendments, the use of international and foreign precedents by national Courts, and the theory of transitional justice. The book opens a dialogue between philosophers and empirical researchers, building bridges between 'Global North' and 'Global South' approaches to constitutionalism. As such, it is an invitation to reengage with the classical debates on constitutionalism whilst also providing fresh insights into the future of this discipline.
Amoral, cunning, ruthless, and instructive, this multi-million-copy New York Times bestseller is the definitive manual for anyone interested in gaining, observing, or defending against ultimate control – from the author of The Laws of Human Nature. In the book that People magazine proclaimed “beguiling” and “fascinating,” Robert Greene and Joost Elffers have distilled three thousand years of the history of power into 48 essential laws by drawing from the philosophies of Machiavelli, Sun Tzu, and Carl Von Clausewitz and also from the lives of figures ranging from Henry Kissinger to P.T. Barnum. Some laws teach the need for prudence (“Law 1: Never Outshine the Master”), others teach the value of confidence (“Law 28: Enter Action with Boldness”), and many recommend absolute self-preservation (“Law 15: Crush Your Enemy Totally”). Every law, though, has one thing in common: an interest in total domination. In a bold and arresting two-color package, The 48 Laws of Power is ideal whether your aim is conquest, self-defense, or simply to understand the rules of the game.
This book has four main themes: (1) a criticism of 'common law constitutionalism', the theory that Parliament's authority is conferred by, and therefore is or can be made subordinate to, judge-made common law; (2) an analysis of Parliament's ability to abdicate, limit or regulate the exercise of its own authority, including a revision of Dicey's conception of sovereignty, a repudiation of the doctrine of implied repeal and the proposal of a novel theory of 'manner and form' requirements for law-making; (3) an examination of the relationship between parliamentary sovereignty and statutory interpretation, defending the reality of legislative intentions, and their indispensability to sensible interpretation and respect for parliamentary sovereignty; and (4) an assessment of the compatibility of parliamentary sovereignty with recent constitutional developments, including the expansion of judicial review of administrative action, the Human Rights and European Communities Acts and the growing recognition of 'constitutional principles' and 'constitutional statutes'.