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The labour movement in Lebanon: Power on hold narrates the history of the Lebanese labour movement from the early twentieth century to today. Bou Khater demonstrates that trade unionism in the country has largely been a failure, for reasons including state interference, tactical co-optation, and the strategic use of sectarianism by an oligarchic elite, together with the structural weakness of a service-based laissez-faire economy. Drawing on a vast body of Arabic-language primary sources and difficult-to-access archives, the book’s conclusions are significant not only for trade unionism, but also for new forms of workers’ organisations and social movements in Lebanon and beyond. The Lebanese case study presented here holds significant implications for the wider Arab world and for comparative studies of labour. This authoritative history of the labour movement in Lebanon is vital reading for scholars of trade unionism, Lebanese politics, and political economy.
This study aims at assessing the effectiveness and adaptability of labor movemen t in face of the constraining environments in postwar Lebanon. Labor movement in Lebanon is represented by the General Confederation of Labor known as CGTL (Con federation Generale du Travail au Liban). Since its inception, this organization had its own dysfunctions such as low union density, unrepresentative internal s tructure and periodical internal divisions that accompanied it through different historical periods. Despite these anomalies, the CGTL was able throughout its h istory to preserve certain autonomy from the state and to achieve tangible gains for workers. Yet, this effectiveness was drained gradually in postwar period an d this ironically coincided with the rebuilding and consolidation of the State. Compared with both prewar and war times, the CGTL in postwar period suffered fro m unprecedented problems emanating to a large extent from the practices of the p ostwar political establishment and to a lesser extent from the economic context. This thesis addresses this interaction between the political consisting of the quasi-authoritarian practices of the state which aimed at containing the labor m ovement and the economic consisting of a neo liberal economic project which does not accept labor organizations as partners in development. The thesis also trie s to study the reaction of the CGTL to this constraining environment. For this a im, a historical comparative method will be adopted. A comparative overview of t he changing roles of unions in developed and developing countries will guide our study on the changing roles and effectiveness of labor movement in postwar Leba non compared to war and prewar times.
This study examines the process of unionizing domestic workers in Lebanon, highlighting the potentialities as well as the obstacles confronting it, and looks at the multiple power relations involved through axes of class, gender, race, and nationality. The author situates this struggle within the larger scene of the labor union 'movement' in the country, and discusses the contribution of women's rights organizations in rendering visible cases of abuse against migrant domestic workers. She argues that the 'death' of class politics has made women's rights organizations address migrant domestic worker issues as a separate labor category, further contributing to their production as an 'exception' under neoliberalism.
Why did American workers, unlike their European counterparts, fail to forge a class-based movement to pursue broad social reform? Was it simply that they lacked class consciousness and were more interested in personal mobility? In a richly detailed survey of labor law and labor history, William Forbath challenges this notion of American “individualism.” In fact, he argues, the nineteenth-century American labor movement was much like Europe’s labor movements in its social and political outlook, but in the decades around the turn of the century, the prevailing attitude of American trade unionists changed. Forbath shows that, over time, struggles with the courts and the legal order were crucial to reshaping labor’s outlook, driving the labor movement to temper its radical goals.