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British economic and industrial policy since 1979 is examined using a wide range of sources. Was this really «new», revival of earlier approaches or a rigorous extension of the IMF-imposed policies on the 1974-79 Labour Government? The question is asked: Was the creation of a large pool of unemployed labour necessary for reshaping the economy or was the aim to secure fundamental changes in the relations between capital and organised labour? Due to setbacks suffered by trade unions in the 1980s with factory closures and major job losses, the author questions Labour's motives in softening any meaningful opposition to the Conservatives, supporting ERM in 1990, reducing the role of trade unions in the Party itself and retaining key policies of the Thatcher era especially its trade union laws.
There are many narrative histories of the struggles of British workers. However, Rob Sewell's book is different. This book is aimed especially at class-conscious workers who are seeking to escape from the ills of the capitalist system, that has embroiled the world in a quagmire of wars, poverty and suffering. This history of trade unions is particularly relevant at the present time. After a long period of stagnation, the fresh winds of the class struggle are beginning to blow. Rob Sewell's book was written precisely with these new forces in mind. The British labour movement is the oldest in the world. More than two hundred years ago, the pioneers of the movement created illegal revolutionary trade unions in the face of the most terrible violence and repression. In the course of the nineteenth century they built trade unions of the downtrodden unskilled workers - those with "blistered hands and the unshorn chins," as Feargus O'Connor called them. Finally, they established a mass party of Labour based on the trade unions, breaking the monopoly of the Tories and Liberals. In the stormy years following the Russian Revolution they engaged in ferocious class battles, culminating in the General Strike of 1926. Nor did the achievements of the British trade union movement cease with the Depression and the Second World War. The post-war upswing served to strengthen the working class and heal the scars of the inter-war period. By the time of the industrial tidal wave of the early 1970s, they drove a Tory government from power, after turning Edward Heath's anti-trade union laws into a dead letter. Later, the miners, the traditional vanguard of the British working class, waged an epic year-long struggle in 1984-85 against the juggernaut of Thatcherism. They could have succeeded, had the rightwing Labour and trade union leaders not abandoned them and left them isolated. The book contains vital lessons and is essential reading for today's worker militants.
Earl A. Reitan examines the polices adopted by three revolutionary Prime Ministers, and insightfully illuminates the broader implications of the leaders' profound influence on British politics and society. Written clearly and concisely, The Thatcher Revolution is essential reading for anyone interested in the state and future of modern Britain.
There has long been a need for a new, readable and truly comprehensive history of the British trade union and labour movement. Filling that gap is a huge undertaking, but 40 years of teaching labour history, combined with 15 years as the director of the National Museum of Labour History, fitted Terry McCarthy well for it. McCarthy has met many major players in the movement, and has a good memory for anecdote. McCarthy's knowledge and political perspective make this a unique and indispensable guide. The book does not shy away from the disputes within the movement, but provides a realistic account.
The economic and industrial restructuring carried out by the Thatcher governments in the 1980s is examined using a wide range of sources. Were the strategies really 'new', a revival of earlier approaches, or just a rigorous extension of the IMF-imposed po
Thatcherism produced dramatic changes in most aspects of public life, both in Britain and abroad. This work surveys the origins and impact of Thatcherism as a cultural construct and an economic creed. Centering on the career of Margaret Thatcher, the author argues that Thatcherism was a bold experiment in ideologically driven government which failed to meet its objectives.
Analyzing the last 10 years of British parliament, contributors examine the age of Tony Blair as Prime Minister and the time of Labour Party dominance as it comes to an end. Comparing previous Labour Party governments to the current, scholars reflect on the past, present, and future of British politics and whether a Labour dominated government will outlast Blair's period in office. Offering opinions and political forecasting from some of the most respected experts in their fields, Blair's political history is examined and critiqued, contemplating the outcome and effects of his decisions and policies as Prime Minister since 1997.
MacInnes examines how far Thatcherite politics fulfilled the expectations of their advocates and asks whether they laid the foundations for recovery or plunged Britain deeper into decline.
"This book investigates the policies of the Thatcher, Major and Blair governments and their approaches towards concentration of economic and political power. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of contemporary British history, political economy and politics, as well as specific areas of study such as Thatcherism and New Labour"--
Written at a critical juncture in the history of the Labour Party, Speak for Britain! is a thought-provoking and highly original interpretation of the party's evolution, from its trade union origins to its status as a national governing party. It charts Labour's rise to power by re-examining the impact of the First World War, the general strike of 1926, Labour's breakthrough at the 1945 general election, the influence of post-war affluence and consumerism on the fortunes and character of the party, and its revival after the defeats of the Thatcher era. Controversially, Pugh argues that Labour never entirely succeeded in becoming 'the party of the working class'; many of its influential recruits - from Oswald Mosley to Hugh Gaitskell to Tony Blair - were from middle and upper-class Conservative backgrounds and rather than converting the working class to socialism, Labour adapted itself to local and regional political cultures.