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First Published in 2004. In Victorian Labour History: Experience, Identity and the Politics of Representation, John Host addresses liberal, Marxist and postmodernist historiography on Victorian working people to question the special status of historical knowledge. The central focus of this study is a debate about mid-Victorian social stability, a condition conventionally equated with popular acceptance of the social order. Host does not join the debate but takes it as his object of analysis, deconstructing the notion of stability and the analyses that purport to explain it. In particular, he takes issue with historical evidence, noting the different possibilities for meaning that it allows and the speculative character of the narratives to which it is adduced. Host examines an extensive range of archival material to illustrate the ambiguity of the historical field, the rhetorical strategies through which the illusion of its unity is created, and the ultimately fictive quality of historical narrative. He then explores the political contingency of the works he addresses and the political consequences of representing them as true.
In an important contribution to a perennial debate, Dr Savage argues that over-concentration on national labour movements has ignored the variety of local political strategies developed by working-class movements; these variations show that working-class politics develops on the basis of different types of solidarity rooted in various forms of local social structure. Such mutations are not a recent development, testifying to the decline of class politics, but have been an enduring feature of capitalist societies. In a detailed case study of Preston, Lancashire, Dr Savage shows how the strategies and strengths of the various political parties changed between 1880 and 1940, as workplace solidarities gave way to neighbourhood-based ones, and as changing gender relations in the textile industry facilitated the organisation of women. Its sophisticated use of sociological theory and detailed empirical analysis distinguish The Dynamics of Working-Class Politics as one of the more important essays in historical sociology published in past years.
`What a pleasure to see this pathbreaking research in print! Karl Ittmann's analysis of Bradford pushes forward our knowledge of the quiet revolution in social habits which took place in the late nineteenth century. In particular, his ability to link the decline of marital fertility with the reorganisation of work and gender roles is exemplary. This book should be of interest to all specialists in Victorian social history.' - David Levine, The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, Toronto Work, Gender and Family in Victorian England examines the impact of the Industrial Revolution upon the family and questions the extent to which ordinary working men and women shared the 'Victorian values' and prosperity of their middle-class countrymen. The book focuses on the industrial town of Bradford, West Yorkshire, in the second half of the nineteenth century and traces how men and women and their families adapted to the new life brought by the rise of the mill and the city.
This, the third volume to appear in the New Oxford History of England, covers the period from the repeal of the Corn Laws to the dramatic failure of Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill. In his magisterial study of the mid-Victorian generation, Theodore Hoppen identifies three defining themes. The first he calls `established industrialism' - the growing acceptance that factory life and manufacturing had come to stay. It was during these four decades that the balance of employment shifted irrevocably. For the first time in history, more people were employed in industry than worked on the land. The second concerns the `multiple national identities' of the constituent parts of the United Kingdom. Dr Hoppen's study of the histories of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and the Empire reveals the existence of a variety of particular and overlapping national traditions flourishing alongside the increasingly influential structure of the unitary state. The third defining theme is that of `interlocking spheres' which the author uses to illuminate the formation of public culture in the period. This, he argues, was generated not by a series of influences operating independently from each other, but by a variety of intermeshed political, economic, scientific, literary and artistic developments. This original and authoritative book will define these pivotal forty years in British history for the next generation.
Although immigrants from the United States, China, and elsewhere were part of the workforce brought in between 1850 and 1900 to man the mining industry of Vancouver Island, the largest group of miners was born in Britain. Belshaw (philosophy, history, and politics, U. College of the Cariboo, Canada) explores the aspirations, motivations, and experiences of these British immigrants, who formed the core of British Columbia's first industrial working class. He attempts a holistic examination that details the group's demographic features, its responses to day-to-day life under industrial capitalism, and its cultural development and explores the lives of the miners, their families, and their communities. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
The co-operative movement has played a notable role in the retail, wholesale, productive, political, educational and cultural life of Britain. As a movement it has consciously represented consumer interests and has carried out work in the arena of consumer protection. However, its study has suffered relative neglect when compared to research into the Labour Party, trade unions and the wider politics of retail and consumption. This book reassesses the impact of the co-operative movement on various communities in Britain during the period 1914-1960, providing a comprehensive account of the grass roots influence of co-operatives during both war and peace. This is a national study with a local dimension. It considers how national directives and perspectives were locally applied, if indeed they were applicable within the context of individual societies. Each chapter focuses on a different aspect of the co-operative movement by examining various societies in England, Scotland and Wales. Particular attention is paid to the midlands, due to the movement's expansion here during the interwar period, with consideration also given to comparative developments in Europe. The author explores: the movement's relationship with other labour organizations; its cultural and social aspects (including the role sport played in co-operative societies); the politicization of the movement and local response to the formation of the Co-operative Party; the education of co-operators; what co-operative membership entailed and how co-operative ideology was expressed; the economic impact membership could have on families (including the provision of financial assistance and credit); and the co-operative movement's development alongside consumer activism. The book is a major national study of the growth of Co-operation during this crucial period of British social, economic and consumer history. Given the few modern scholarly works on Co-operation, it is a timely and much needed reassessment.
A study of popular politics in pre-industrial Britain.
In this way it provides an illuminating perspective and serves as a corrective to both Scoto-centric and Anglo-centric interpretations of events. Previous studies have tended to concentrate on the resources of the main record repositories in London and Edinburgh, and, while these collections are indispensable for any interpretation of the period, they do tend to highlight two types of politics more than others - the political operations of the great landed estates and the 'high politics' of the front benchers - and they are not always fully representative of all parts of Scotland. This book therefore has paid attention to a wide variety of source material in private hands and in local record centres to redress the balance and provide a more balanced picture. This scholarly but very readable study will appeal to all those with an interest in the political history of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.