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The two volumes comprising Indian Education in Canada present the first full-length discussion of this important subject since the adoption in 1972 of a new federal policy moving toward Indian control of Indian education. Volume 1 analyzes the education of Indian children by whites since the arrival of the first Europeans in Canada. Volume 2 is concerned with the wide-ranging changes that have taken place since 1972.
Aboriginal policy and claims negotiation in Canada is seen to be a murky and perplexing world that has become an important public issue and has significant policy implications for government spending. Aboriginal land policy in Canada began as an Aboriginal initiative. In No Place for Fairness, David McNab - a long time advisor on land and treaty rights for both government and First Nations groups - looks at the Bear Island Indigenous rights case, initiated by the Teme-Augama Anishinabe, to explore why governments fail to deal effectively with Aboriginal land claims. The book, divided into two sections, includes a survey of the historical background of the Bear Island claim followed by a more personal series of reflections about what happened as the claim encountered decades of policy hurdles, court cases, public protests, and above all resistance by the Temagami First Nation. McNab provides details of how ministers and their senior officials resisted real efforts to resolve problems as well as examples of field staff resisting government attempts at resolution. He also shows that government entities such as the Indian Commission of Ontario and the Native Affairs Directorate were largely used as "mailboxes" where successive federal and provincial governments sent things they wanted to bury. No Place for Fairness is the story of what happens when Aboriginal peoples' political rights are crammed into the Euro-Canadian legal system. McNab makes a clear case that a legalistic approach to these problems is wholly inadequate and that more important things - like fairness - must be recognized as paramount if a just and lasting Aboriginal land policy is to be created.
The Geography of Genocide offers a unique analysis of over sixty genocides in world history, explaining why genocides only occur in territorial interiors and never originate from cosmopolitan urban centers. This study explores why genocides tend to result from emasculating political defeats experienced by perpetrator groups and examines whether such extreme political violence is the product of a masculine identity crisis. Author Allan D. Cooper notes that genocides are most often organized and implemented by individuals who have experienced traumatic childhood events involving the abandonment or abuse by their father. Although genocides target religious groups, nations, races or ethnic groups, these identity structures are rarely at the heart of the war crimes that ensue. Cooper integrates research derived from the study of serial killing and rape to show certain commonalities with the phenomenon of genocide. The Geography of Genocide presents various strategies for responding to genocide and introduces Cooper's groundbreaking alternatives for ultimately inhibiting the occurrence of genocide.
The United States has seen several anti-Asian movements, as evidenced by immigration policies, naturalization laws, state and local statutes, and acts of violence. In recent years, Asian Americans have mobilized against prejudice and discrimination, organizing media groups and panethnic coalitions to achieve greater political effectiveness. These essays address recent issues of interethnic relations and conflict and politics in Asian American communities, ranging from the Japanese American redress movement for unjustified World War II internment, Japan-bashing, the model minority stereotype, resistance to urban renewal, interethnic conflicts with other groups, Asian American politics, Asian American panethnicity, and involvement in ancestral homeland politics.