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The problems of modern Ireland have attracted the attention of many British political leaders from Gladstone to Major. Attempts to formulate a 'solution' have been governed by the British perception of what the problem is, and by the structures, as well as the ideas of British party politics and British political life: Ireland was never a laboratory in which dispassionate political experiments could be conducted. Modern Ireland has been shaped by British policy, and this has itself been influenced by British political habits and traditions, social and economic reforms, and new governmental institutions have been applied by politicians both of the left and the right. The 'Framework Documents' represent the latest attempt to achieve what Gladstone, David Lloyd George and Neville Chamberlain sought, and failed to achieve: a lasting settlement of the political divisions within Ireland, and between Ireland the Great Britain. This book places the Irish question in the wider context of the history of the British Isles, and thus seeks to explain its special place in British history as the 'Oldest Question', and as a question for contemporary Britain. Fully revised and with a new chapter to bring the analysis up to 1996, this new edition of Professor Boyce's work will be widely acclaimed.
Modern Ireland has been shaped by British policy, and this has itself been influenced by British political habits and traditions. Social and economic reforms, and new governmental institutions, have been applied by politicians both of the left and the right. The 'Framework Documents' represent the latest attempt to achieve what Gladstone, David Lloyd George and Neville Chamberlain sought, yet failed, to achieve: a lasting settlement of the political divisions within Ireland, and between Ireland and Great Britain. This book places the Irish question in the wider context of the history of the British Isles, and thus seeks to explain its special place in British history as the 'Oldest Question', and as a question for contemporary Britain. Fully revised and with a new chapter to bring the analysis up to 1996, this new edition of Professor Boyce's work will be widely welcomed.
Circumstances placed John Redmond and the Irish Parliamentary Party at the center of British politics in 1912. After more than a century of struggle, Irish nationalists looked likely to return a parliament to Dublin that would allow the Irish people, as one nation, to determine their own domestic affairs. Staunch Ulster Unionists stood in opposition, determined to reject Home Rule for their region. Alongside them were Unionist Party members who declared that such an action would destroy the British Empire, wreck the constitution, and possibly foment a civil war. Over the next decade, the Home Rulers saw their cause betrayed and their party destroyed. Asquith, Lloyd George, and Winston Churchill all served to undercut Redmond and his supporters in the interests of political expediency. Four years of war in Europe, followed by four years of conflict in Ireland, led to a more radical approach to the Irish question that allowed Sinn Fein and the Irish Republican Army to make the nationalist cause their own. By 1922, Eamon de Valera, Michael Collins, James Craig and their followers took possession of a divided Ireland embittered by the enmity of two Irish identities and the strains of factional strife.
This book examines the rapidly evolving relationship between the British Labour Party and the emerging Irish nationalist forces, from which was formed the first government of the Irish Free State as both metamorphosed from opposition towards becoming the governments of their respective states.
The Reader's Guide to British History is the essential source to secondary material on British history. This resource contains over 1,000 A-Z entries on the history of Britain, from ancient and Roman Britain to the present day. Each entry lists 6-12 of the best-known books on the subject, then discusses those works in an essay of 800 to 1,000 words prepared by an expert in the field. The essays provide advice on the range and depth of coverage as well as the emphasis and point of view espoused in each publication.
This book is the first in-depth analysis of the interaction between the British and Irish governments and the role they have played in seeking to resolve the conflict in Northern Ireland since 1980. Eamonn O’Kane examines Britain and Ireland’s objectives in relation to the Northern Ireland conflict, focusing on the influential factors that persuaded these two governments to co-operate at a closer level and those which made this co-operation difficult to achieve and at times sustain. Drawing on extensive primary research, including interviews with leading British and Irish politicians and civil servants, the book questions many of the most widely accepted arguments regarding the conflict. It sheds new light upon the objectives of the two states in Northern Ireland, the origins of the peace process, the reasons that the conflict appeared so intractable and the role of the international dimension. The book places events in context and offers a more convincing explanation for many of the advances and disappointments in Northern Ireland in recent years than is currently available. This volume offers a reinterpretation of the intergovernmental approach to the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process and is an invaluable resource for students and researchers of British politics, Irish studies and conflict studies.
First published in 1999, this volume was the third in a trilogy on the 'problem' of Northern Ireland. It examines the political content of the unionist and nationalist 'ideologies' which have emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in Ireland. The focus of the book is also to examine and assess the impact of unionist and nationalist thinking and commitment on political and economic life in the twentieth century.
This book is intended as a guide and introduction to recent scholarship on the causes of the English civil war. It examines English developments in a broader British and European context, and explores current debates on the nature of the political process and the divisions over religion and politics. It then analyses renewed attempts to set the civil war in a social context, and to connect social change to broad cultural cleavages in England. The author also provides her own positive interpretation which takes account of the valuable insights of revisionist approaches, but concludes that long term ideological divisions and tensions arising from social change were crucial in causing the civil war.
John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) was one of Britain's greatest philosophers and radical politicians, whose views had a profound influence on thinking on liberty, social policy and gender relations. William Stafford's accessible study outlines Mill's reputation from his lifetime to the present, together with a discussion of the major areas of his moral and political thought. This book presents him as a consistent and engaged radical politician. In relation to Ireland and India, he argued that British rule could only be justified if it benefited its imperial subjects. While defending democracy, he thought subtly about its problems at a time when it was still an open question, an untried experiment. He advocated a non-paternalistic, non-welfarist form of socialism which combined community with self-reliance. He played a leading role in placing women's issues on the agenda - not only political and employment rights, but also male violence against and sexual exploitation of women, 'sexist' language and the oppressive construction of gender.
This study looks afresh at the assumption that those in the Scottish parliament who voted for the union of 1707 sold their country. The world of Scottish politics after the union is then explored from the perspective of the people at the top of the ruling elite. It is the world of the squadrone, Argyll, Ilay, Bute and Dundas, where there was little civic virtue. Much is learned by looking at the century as a whole in describing their struggles, their motives and ideas, their place within the politics of Great Britain and the challenges to their complacency.