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The growth of service and high-tech industries in recent years has dramatically altered the geographical distribution of businesses throughout America. Some states have had to attract new businesses to replace declining smokestack industries, while others have experienced the trauma of rapid economic growth. This collection of case studies of California, Massachusetts, Michigan, Tennessee, Arizona, Minnesota, and Indiana analyzes strategies and problems of economic evolution and the role of state institutions in the context of regional, national and world economic change.
This study provides information on (1) state agency economic development assistance programs and (2) out-of-state activities that have been successful in getting more for less. It is aimed at state legislators to support "smart" decisions of state governments. The study contains recommendations
The real work of many governments is done not in stately domed capitols but by a network of federal and state officials working with local governments and nongovernmental organizations to address issues that cross governmental boundaries. Managing within Networks analyzes the structure, operations, and achievements of these public management networks that are trying to solve intractable problems at the field level. It examines such areas as transportation, economic and rural development, communications systems and data management, water conservation, wastewater management, watershed conservation, and services for persons with developmental disabilities. Robert Agranoff draws a number of innovative conclusions about what these networks do and how they do it from data compiled on fourteen public management networks in Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Nebraska, and Ohio. Agranoff identifies four different types of networks based on their purposes and observes the differences between network management and traditional management structures and leadership. He notes how knowledge is managed and value added within intergovernmental networks. This volume is useful for students, scholars, and practitioners of public management.
When Richard G. Hatcher became the first black mayor of Gary, Indiana in 1967, the response of Gary's white businessmen was to move the entire downtown to the suburbs, thereby weakening the city core. Meanwhile, white business and institutional leaders in Atlanta, Detroit, and Newark worked with black mayors heading those majority-black cities to rebuild their downtowns and neighborhoods. Why not Gary? Robert A. Catlin, who served as Mayor Hatcher's planning advisor from 1982 to 1987, here analyzes the racial conflicts that tore Gary apart. He asserts that two types of majority-black cities exist. Type I—including Atlanta, Baltimore, Detroit, and Newark—have Fortune 500 corporate headquarters, major universities, and large medical centers—institutions that are placebound—and their leaders must work with black mayors. Type II cities like Gary lack these resources; thus, their white leaders feel less compelled to cooperate with black mayors. Unfortunately in Gary's case, black politicians and white executives fell victim to pettiness and mistrust, and, as a result, Gary and the entire northwest Indiana region suffered. Racial Politics and Urban Planning is required reading for citizens interested in urban affairs. Leaders in cities such as Albany and Macon, Georgia; Monroe, Louisiana; Mount Vernon, New York; and Pine Bluff, Arkansas, should also take note. Those cities have just become majority black and are in the Type II category. Will they learn from Gary, or are they doomed to repeat its mistakes?