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In a world scale economy considering interlinkage and interactions between countries, economic shocks will affect various economies through channels. Meantime, the oil price is one of the most important channels. New studies show that the connection between the oil price and the world economy has numerous complications which could not be incorporated in traditional frames with only taking into consideration separated and identified oil supply and demand shocks without considering synchronicity and the source of the main shocks. Therefore it is essential to model a multi-dimensional system. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of oil price shocks on the major macroeconomic variables of oil-exporting countries from 1974Q1 to 2019Q4 using the global vector autoregressive (GVAR) approach. The macroeconomic variables include four domestic variables, three foreign variables and one global variable. In particular, it provides a theoretical framework for the global oil market to illustrate how multi-country approach to modeling oil markets can be used to identify country-specific oil price shocks. On the empirical side, it shows the global economic implications of oil price shocks vary considerably depending on which country is subject to the shock. The results of this study indicate that the economic consequences of a positive oil price shock are different on macroeconomic variables in oil-exporting countries in short-run and long-run. However, in response to a positive oil price shock, most of OPEC countries experience long-run inflationary pressures.
This paper investigates the response of consumer price inflation to changes in domestic fuel prices, looking at the different categories of the overall consumer price index (CPI). We then combine household survey data with the CPI components to construct a CPI index for the poorest and richest income quintiles with the view to assess the distributional impact of the pass-through. To undertake this analysis, the paper provides an update to the Global Monthly Retail Fuel Price Database, expanding the product coverage to premium and regular fuels, the time dimension to December 2020, and the sample to 190 countries. Three key findings stand out. First, the response of inflation to gasoline price shocks is smaller, but more persistent and broad-based in developing economies than in advanced economies. Second, we show that past studies using crude oil prices instead of retail fuel prices to estimate the pass-through to inflation significantly underestimate it. Third, while the purchasing power of all households declines as fuel prices increase, the distributional impact is progressive. But the progressivity phases out within 6 months after the shock in advanced economies, whereas it persists beyond a year in developing countries.
A large volume of research has acknowledged the role of oil price shocks to generate a significant stagflationary impact on U.S. and other oil importing nations. Recent research however shows a paradigm shift in this oil price-macroeconomy relationship since the mid 1980s, during which the U.S. economy has been relatively resilient to oil shocks. Both output contraction and inflationary expectations have been milder in the post mid 1980s than before. But the 2007-08 oil shock episode has re-emphasized the immense impact of the ebbs and flows of oil prices on the U.S. economys ups and downs. Global oil price peaked at $148 a barrel in June 2008. With the mortgage crisis and credit crunch, oil was another blow too many. The U.S. economy swamped into one of the greatest recessions of all times. According to Hamilton (2009), the 2007-08 oil shock had a significant contribution to the recent recession. While a lot of work have been done on the effects of oil price shocks on the U.S. economy, relatively little work has investigated what triggers oil price increase. My research illustrates why it is important to study the cause of an oil price rise. First, the effects of oil price rise on the macro variables depend heavily on what causes the shock. Secondly, whereas the oil price hikes of the 1970s and early 1980s can mostly be attributed to exogenous events in OPEC (Arab Oil Embargo, Iran-Iraq War, Iranian Revolution), a significant source of oil price spikes in the post mid 1980 era have been an increase in global oil demand confronting stagnating oil production. From a policy perspective, of course, policies aimed at dealing with higher oil prices must take careful account of what causes oil prices to rise. Empirical research that demonstrates the resilience of U.S. economy to oil price shocks builds on the implicit assumption that as oil price varies, everything else in the global economy is held constant. Thus all variations in oil prices are taken as alike and exogenous. This overlooks the possibility that oil price rise sparked off by diverse events can potentially lead to different repercussions. This thesis is an attempt to develop framework to study the endogenous increase in oil price. The oil price increase arises from increase in U.S. growth rate, increase in foreign growth rate and a purely exogenous oil supply shock by OPEC. The most important result is that the source of oil price rise has changed after the mid 1980s - whereas before the mid 1980s, bulk of the variation in oil price was due to supply shocks by OPEC, post mid 1980s, most of the variation in oil price is explained by increase in U.S. and foreign growth. Furthermore, if the origin of the oil price rise is the same, then the responses of most U.S. macroeconomic variables display remarkable similarity in the pre and post mid 1980s. This result gives us a new way to look at the resilience of the U.S. economic activity to oil price rise since the mid 1980s. The resilience can be explained to a significant extent by the fact that the type of shocks resulting in oil price rise has changed.
The skyrocketing prices of oil and food are matters of great concerns for consumers, producers, national and international bodies. This book adresses this aspect in five independent but related essays. The first two essays model the extent of volatility of oil and food price shocks. Third essay examines the cross country mean and volatility spillover effects of food prices while the fourth essay investigates the spillover effects of oil prices on the food prices of selected Asia and Pacific countries. Finally, the fifth essay assesses the economic impacts of oil and food prices in the context of selected Asia and Pacific countries. Overall, the findings show that both oil and food prices have persistence effets on the volatility while the evidence of asymmetry is mixed; there is considerable cross country mean and volatility spillover effects of food prices; oil prices positively spillover to food prices and the impacts of oil and food prices to macroeconomic variables are dependent on the economic characteristics of individual economies.
In this paper, we use micro panel data to examine the effects of oil price changes on employment and real wages, at the aggregate and industry levels. We also measure differences in the employment and wage responses for workers differentiated on the basis of skill level. We find that oil price increases result in a substantial decline in real wages for all workers, but raise the relative wage of skilled workers. The use of panel data econometric techniques to control for unobserved heterogeneity is essential to uncover this result, which is completely hidden in OLS estimates. We find that changes in oil prices induce changes in employment shares and relative wages across industries. However, we find little evidence that oil price changes cause labor to consistently flow into those sectors with relative wage increases.
The April 2012 issue of the World Economic Outlook assesses the prospects for the global economy, which has gradually strengthened after a major setback during 2011. The threat of a sharp global slowdown eased with improved activity in the United States and better policies in the euro area. Weak recovery will likely resume in the major advanced economies, and activity will remain relatively solid in most emerging and developing economies. However, recent improvements are very fragile. Policymakers must calibrate policies to support growth in the near term and must implement fundamental changes to achieve healthy growth in the medium term. Chapter 3 examines how policies directed at real estate markets can accelerate the improvement of household balance sheets and thus support otherwise anemic consumption. Chapter 4 examines how swings in commodity prices affect commodity-exporting economies, many of which have experienced a decade of good growth. With commodity prices unlikely to continue growing at the recent elevated pace, however, these economies may have to adapt their fiscal and other policies to lower potential output growth in the future.
A key priority for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries is to create a dynamic non-oil tradable sector to support sustainable growth. Since export diversification takes a long time, it has to start now. We argue that the failure to diversify away from oil stems mainly from market failures rather than government failures. To tackle market failures, the government needs to change the incentive structure for workers and firms. Experiences of oil exporters that managed to diversify suggest that a focus on competing in international markets and an emphasis on technological upgrade and climbing the “quality ladder” are crucial.
Traditionally, economic growth and business cycles have been treated independently. However, the dependence of GDP levels on its history of shocks, what economists refer to as “hysteresis,” argues for unifying the analysis of growth and cycles. In this paper, we review the recent empirical and theoretical literature that motivate this paradigm shift. The renewed interest in hysteresis has been sparked by the persistence of the Global Financial Crisis and fears of a slow recovery from the Covid-19 crisis. The findings of the recent literature have far-reaching conceptual and policy implications. In recessions, monetary and fiscal policies need to be more active to avoid the permanent scars of a downturn. And in good times, running a high-pressure economy could have permanent positive effects.