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This work brings together key texts drawn from the history of suffrage advocacy and agitation. The whole issue of voting rights and representation is shown to be anchored firmly in the wider political culture of Britain and Ireland as well as the Empire as a whole. Volume 1 covers texts from 1766 to 1795.
This work brings together key texts drawn from the history of suffrage advocacy and agitation. The whole issue of voting rights and representation is shown to be anchored firmly in the wider political culture of Britain and Ireland as well as the Empire as a whole. Volume 2 covers texts from 1793 to 1817.
This work brings together key texts drawn from the history of suffrage advocacy and agitation. The whole issue of voting rights and representation is shown to be anchored firmly in the wider political culture of Britain and Ireland as well as the Empire as a whole. Volume 4 covers texts from 1839 to 1859.
This work brings together key texts drawn from the history of suffrage advocacy and agitation. The whole issue of voting rights and representation is shown to be anchored firmly in the wider political culture of Britain and Ireland as well as the Empire as a whole. Volume 3 covers texts from 1731 to 1832.
This work brings together key texts drawn from the history of suffrage advocacy and agitation. The whole issue of voting rights and representation is shown to be anchored firmly in the wider political culture of Britain and Ireland as well as the Empire as a whole. Volume 6 covers texts from 1860 to 1873.
This six-volume collection brings together key documents on women’s suffrage from Britain and the Empire in the century between 1767 and 1867. With a particular focus on voting rights and political representation, the collection includes excerpts of works from renowned writers such as Edmund Burke and John Stuart Mill, as well as rare and insightful texts from less prominent authors. This collection provides a valuable reference to students of various disciplines, including British and imperial history, gender studies, literature, politics, and the history of feminism.
This work brings together key texts drawn from the history of suffrage advocacy and agitation. The whole issue of voting rights and representation is shown to be anchored firmly in the wider political culture of Britain and Ireland as well as the Empire as a whole. Volume 5 covers texts from 1865 to 1867.
The story of the rise of radicalism in the early nineteenth century has often been simplified into a fable about progressive social change. The diverse social movements of the era—religious, political, regional, national, antislavery, and protemperance—are presented as mere strands in a unified tapestry of labor and democratic mobilization. Taking aim at this flawed view of radicalism as simply the extreme end of a single dimension of progress, Craig Calhoun emphasizes the coexistence of different kinds of radicalism, their tensions, and their implications. The Roots of Radicalism reveals the importance of radicalism’s links to preindustrial culture and attachments to place and local communities, as well the ways in which journalists who had been pushed out of “respectable” politics connected to artisans and other workers. Calhoun shows how much public recognition mattered to radical movements and how religious, cultural, and directly political—as well as economic—concerns motivated people to join up. Reflecting two decades of research into social movement theory and the history of protest, The Roots of Radicalism offers compelling insights into the past that can tell us much about the present, from American right-wing populism to democratic upheavals in North Africa.
This timely research handbook offers a systematic and comprehensive examination of the election laws of democratic nations. Through a study of a range of different regimes of election law, it illuminates the disparate choices that societies have made concerning the benefits they wish their democratic institutions to provide, the means by which such benefits are to be delivered, and the underlying values, commitments, and conceptions of democratic self-rule that inform these choices.
The denial of voting rights to certain types of persons continues to be a moral problem of practical significance. The disenfranchisement of persons with mental impairments, minors, noncitizen residents, nonresident citizens, and criminal offenders is a matter of controversy in many countries. How should we think morally about electoral exclusions? What should we conclude about these particular cases? This book proposes a set of principles, called the Critical Suffrage Doctrine, that defies conventional beliefs on the legitimate denial of the franchise. According to the Critical Suffrage Doctrine, in some realistic circumstances it is morally acceptable to adopt an alternative to universal suffrage that would exclude the vast majority of sane adults for being largely uninformed. Thus, contrary to what most people believe, current controversies on the franchise are not about exploring the limits of a basic moral right. Regarding such controversies, the Critical Suffrage Doctrine establishes that, in polities with universal suffrage, the blanket disenfranchisement of minors and the mentally impaired cannot be justified; that noncitizen residents should be allowed to vote; that excluding nonresident citizens is permissible; and that criminal offenders should not be disenfranchised-although facilitating voting from prison is not required in all contexts. Political theorists have rarely submitted the franchise to serious scrutiny. Hence this study makes a contribution to a largely neglected and important subject.