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Austria does not often make political headlines. It has at least twice in recent years: in 1986, when the ""Waldheim Affair"" was debated worldwide, and in 1999, when the Austrian Freedom Party (FPOe) under Joerg Haider received 27 percent of the vote in national elections. Established by former Nazis for former Nazis, the FPOe entered the mainstream of Austrian politics when it became part of a coalition government. This volume explores whether its rise is a uniquely Austrian phenomenon or corresponds to broader social and political changes in Europe.Parallels to Haider's party can be found in other European countries. Its anti-immigration agenda and rhetoric are similar to those of the French FN, the Belgian Vlaams Bloc, and the Italian Lega Nord. And its anti-European Union posture is similar to the sentiments of the ""anti-Maastrich"" wing of the British conservative party. However, European reaction to the FPOe's rise derives not only from its policies, but its linkage to past suspicions that the Austrians have not learned the lessons of history as had the Germans. The FPOe's success strengthened that impression. In response, 14 European Union governments downgraded their bilateral relations with the Austrian government to a purely technical level. Although the sanctions were lifted in September 2000, the spotlight is still very much on Austria, and concern about the FPOe remains high.This important volume contains eleven chapters by internationally prominent scholars from a broad spectrum of the social sciences. Its cross-disciplinary approach provides perspective on the Haider phenomenon, its rhetoric, and its impact on daily life in Austria. It also analyzes the influence of right-wing populism on politics, culture, and society, and its implications in Austria as well as elsewhere in Europe. The Haider Phenomenon will be of interest to historians, political scientists, those in European studies, and scholars in contemporary political extremism.
Austria does not often make political headlines. It has at least twice in recent years: in 1986, when the "Waldheim Affair" was debated worldwide, and in 1999, when the Austrian Freedom Party (FPOe) under Joerg Haider received 27 percent of the vote in national elections. Established by former Nazis for former Nazis, the FPOe entered the mainstream of Austrian politics when it became part of a coalition government. This volume explores whether its rise is a uniquely Austrian phenomenon or corresponds to broader social and political changes in Europe. Parallels to Haider's party can be found in other European countries. Its anti-immigration agenda and rhetoric are similar to those of the French FN, the Belgian Vlaams Bloc, and the Italian Lega Nord. And its anti-European Union posture is similar to the sentiments of the "anti-Maastrich" wing of the British conservative party. However, European reaction to the FPOe's rise derives not only from its policies, but its linkage to past suspicions that the Austrians have not learned the lessons of history as had the Germans. The FPOe's success strengthened that impression. In response, 14 European Union governments downgraded their bilateral relations with the Austrian government to a purely technical level. Although the sanctions were lifted in September 2000, the spotlight is still very much on Austria, and concern about the FPOe remains high. This important volume contains eleven chapters by internationally prominent scholars from a broad spectrum of the social sciences. Its cross-disciplinary approach provides perspective on the Haider phenomenon, its rhetoric, and its impact on daily life in Austria. It also analyzes the influence of right-wing populism on politics, culture, and society, and its implications in Austria as well as elsewhere in Europe. The Haider Phenomenon will be of interest to historians, political scientists, those in European studies, and scholars in contemporary political extremism. Ruth Wodak is professor of applied linguistics and discourse analysis at the University of Vienna and director of the research center, "Discourse, Politics, Identity," at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Anton Pelinka is professor of political science at the University of Innsbruck and director of the Institute of Conflict Research Vienna.
A great deal has been said and written about Jorg Haider, the charismatic but controversial leader of Austria's Freedom Party. To some he is a neo-Nazi and admirer of fellow Austrian Adolf Hitler's policies. To others he is merely an artful opportunist, a telegenic master of coded sound bites and slogans that means different things to different people. And to that quarter of the country's voters who voted this glamorous rabble-rouser's Freedom Party (FPO) to power in 1999, he represents a fresh alternative to the incestuous two-party oligarchy that had run Austria for a half century. This book goes a long way in explaining how his use of rhetoric and language style reminiscent of Nazi leanings have promoted his meteoric rise to political power, and how this same rhetoric could possibly be this man's downfall. For instance, he has been outspoken about endorsing Hitler's unemployment practices, as well as calling former SS veterans, men of character. As a result, among his FPO party members, there are rumors of a split, for there are some who object to his use of language, and his penchant for using the Nazi agenda as a backdrop for their party's political domination. Defiant Populist is about de-bunking the Haider myth created by the love-hate relationship of a clever maverick and the media who feed upon one another. To be understood, the Haider phenomenon needs to be seen in the context of the strange politics of a country that leads a very sheltered existence in the heart of Europe and yet continues to be the odd man out in more ways than one, from machine politics to neutrality, from its hang-ups about past glories to its ambivalent approach to its German and European identity, from its conservative mentality to its lack of a real conservative tradition in politics. This book explains and analyzes the Haider phenomenon from the context of a country of contrasts: an admirable record of non-violence and social peace with residual anti-Semitism, socialist economics with enviable wealth, staunchly pro-Western values with equally ardent neutralism, and a relatively new Austrian identity with a dark German past. Lothar Hobelt is one of Austria's leading modern political historians. In addition to over a hundred articles, he has published ten books, including Republik im Wandel: Die groÃYe Koalition und der Aufstieg der Haider-FPÃ-, and Von der Vierten Partei zur Dritten Kraft: Die Geschichte des VdU. He appears regularly in print, radio, and television media, both at home and abroad, as an authority on Jörg Haider and the Freedom Party. Dr. Hobelt has held visiting professorships at the Universities of Chicago and New Orleans, and has taught since 1983 at the University of Vienna.
A portrait of J?rg Haider, the leader of Europe's largest right-wing party. Also includes interviews with Otto Habsburg, Kurt Waldheim, and Haider.
"Guilty Victim explores Austria's search for an internationally credible identity for itself after the Nazi era. But Hella Pick shows how the old ghosts will not go away. It is not just the saga of President Kurt Waldheim's Nazi past which has haunted Austria's graceful glide to rehabilitation and respectability. The spectacular success of Jorg Haider and his far right-wing politics have raised grave worries inside and outside Austria. How will Haider's xenophobia and the dangers of revisionism towards the third Reich sit in the new Europe, where Austria has gained a respected place ?" "Guilty Victim provides sobering insights into one of the most troubling questions facing Europe today."--BOOK JACKET.
In many European countries the extreme right have refined their electoral programmes under the rubric of nationalist-populist slogans and have adopted subtle forms of racism. The move away from overt neo-fascist discourse has, allowed these parties to expand their electoral support as populist nationalist parties. Paradoxically, this has led to an increase in racist and anti-Semitic discourse. In this on-site analysis, Michal Krzyzanowski and Ruth Wodak describe a confluence of racism and xenophobia, and show how that union creates a new kind of racism. The "new" racism differs from the older kinds in that it is usually not expressed in overtly racial terms. Instead, the justifications that are typically employed concern protecting jobs, eliminating abuse of welfare benefits, or cultural incompatibilities. The new racism exploits xenophobia rooted in ethnocentrism, male chauvinism, and ordinary prejudices that are often unconscious or routinized. For these reasons, the new racism can be defined as "syncretic," a mixture of many, sometimes contradictory, racist and xenophobic beliefs and stereotypes. Racism as ideology and practice is alive and well. This important book aims to provide understanding of the many socio-political and historical processes involved in such expressions of institutional and individual racism--processes which are not necessarily evident from more overt or traditional expressions of racism. This is an innovative look at the political study of language as well as new instances of race, ethnicity, and class in present-day Europe.