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"This book does not argue for stronger security ties among the three countries based solely on a shared understanding of the threats posed by North Korea. Nor does it look toward containment of a rising China or resurgent Russia for its strategic rationale. Rather, the authors argue for broadening the foundation on which the three nations' ties rest. A better understanding of the complex weave of interests and values that binds the United States, South Korea, and Japan will stabilize the relationships and make them more resilient and adaptable to future developments."--BOOK JACKET.
Japan and South Korea are Western-style democracies with open-market economies committed to the rule of law. They are also U.S. allies. Yet despite their shared interests, shared values, and geographic proximity, divergent national identities have driven a wedge between them. Drawing on decades of expertise, Brad Glosserman and Scott A. Snyder investigate the roots of this split and its ongoing threat to the region and the world. Glosserman and Snyder isolate competing notions of national identity as the main obstacle to a productive partnership between Japan and South Korea. Through public opinion data, interviews, and years of observation, they show how fundamentally incompatible, rapidly changing conceptions of national identity in Japan and South Korea—and not struggles over power or structural issues—have complicated territorial claims and international policy. Despite changes in the governments of both countries and concerted efforts by leading political figures to encourage U.S.–ROK–Japan security cooperation, the Japan–South Korea relationship continues to be hobbled by history and its deep imprint on ideas of national identity. This book recommends bold, policy-oriented prescriptions for overcoming problems in Japan–South Korea relations and facilitating trilateral cooperation among these three Northeast Asian allies, recognizing the power of the public on issues of foreign policy, international relations, and the prospects for peace in Asia.
The first in-depth study of the puzzling relationship between Japan and the Republic of Korea and the influence of the United States on it from the Cold War to the present. It draws on recently declassified U.S. documents, internal Korean government documents, and interviews with former policy makers in the United States, Japan, and Korea.
The U.S.-Japan relationship has emerged as the free world's most important bilateral relationship from the standpoint of economics and politics and increasingly security as well. Together, the two countries can make unparalleled contributions to global peace, stability and economic development. Operating independently, neither can successfully address the issues facing the future of the Pacific Basin community. Together and in cooperation they can have a major impact. The essays in this volume focus on the goals of putting reality into perspective and suggesting modest, but visionary, recommendations for the future. Contents: Formulating an American Agenda for Asia, by Robert A. Scalapino; A Japanese Agenda for Asian Politics and Security, Seizaburo Sato; The Economics of U.S.-Japan Relations in the Asia-Pacific Region, by Edward Lincoln; Reorienting the Japanese Economy for the Future, by Yutaka Kosai; and Japanese-American Defense Policies for a Post-Reagan Era, by John Endicott. Co-published with the Pacific Forum.
Against the backdrop of China’s mounting influence and North Korea’s growing nuclear capability and expanding missile arsenal, South Korea faces a set of strategic choices that will shape its economic prospects and national security. In South Korea at the Crossroads, Scott A. Snyder examines the trajectory of fifty years of South Korean foreign policy and offers predictions—and a prescription—for the future. Pairing a historical perspective with a shrewd understanding of today’s political landscape, Snyder contends that South Korea’s best strategy remains investing in a robust alliance with the United States. Snyder begins with South Korea’s effort in the 1960s to offset the risk of abandonment by the United States during the Vietnam War and the subsequent crisis in the alliance during the 1970s. A series of shifts in South Korean foreign relations followed: the “Nordpolitik” engagement with the Soviet Union and China at the end of the Cold War; Kim Dae Jung’s “Sunshine Policy,” designed to bring North Korea into the international community; “trustpolitik,” which sought to foster diplomacy with North Korea and Japan; and changes in South Korea’s relationship with the United States. Despite its rise as a leader in international financial, development, and climate-change forums, South Korea will likely still require the commitment of the United States to guarantee its security. Although China is a tempting option, Snyder argues that only the United States is both credible and capable in this role. South Korea remains vulnerable relative to other regional powers in northeast Asia despite its rising profile as a middle power, and it must balance the contradiction of desirable autonomy and necessary alliance.
On December 5, 1997, Hudson Institute and the East Asian Security Study Group held a conference on Japan and Korea's future. The focus of the conference was to survey the state of Japanese-Korean relations and analyze how they would evolve in the future. In the two and a half years since the symposium took place the pace of the improvement of Korean-Japanese relations has been dramatic. Very few observers in late 1997, even the most optimistic ones, would have predicted that relations between the two nations would improve as rapidly as they did. Though much remains to be done, the trend line has been very impressive. Funded by the Center for Global Partnership of the Japan Foundation, these essays will help scholars and policy makers gain a better understanding of the issues surrounding ties between Japan and Korea. Contributors include Gary L.Geipel (Hudson Institute) Han Taejoon and Kim Taehyun (Chung-Ang University, Seoul), Hattori Tamio (Doshisha University, Kyoto), Kohari Sususmu (Universityof Shizuoka), Lee Sook-Jong (Sejong Institute, Sungnam City), Murooka Tetsuo (National Institute of Defense Studies, Tokyo), Nagashima Akihisa, (Council on Foreign Relations and Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies), Otsuka Umio (Japan Maritime Self-Defense Forces), and Yamaguchi Noboru, (Japan Ground Self-Defense Forces and current military attachi in Washington, DC).