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This report, which draws largely on Israeli and third-party views, examines the relations between Israel and Turkey, concentrating on economic, diplomatic, and security ties after the 2016 reconciliation and the possible futures of these ties.
This edited volume explores the Israeli-Turkish relations in the 2000s from a multi-dimensional perspective providing a comparative analysis on the subjects of politics, ideology, civil society, identity, energy, and economic relations. The contributors from both countries offer insights on the complex situation in the Middle East which is important for the understanding of the contemporary region. The work will appeal to a wide audience including academics, researchers, political analysts, and journalists.
Turkey and Israel are two of the most important countries in the Middle East, but also are outsiders to the region for political and cultural reasons. Here Bengio examines the historic, geo-strategic and political-cultural roots of the Turkish-Israeli relationship, from the 1950s until today. Linking the relationship's evolution to the complexities of Turkey's historical ties with the Arab world, and changing domestic, regional and global conditions, the book traces the ebb and flow of the curious ties between the two countries. Bengio calls for a significant revision in the received wisdom about inter-Arab and Arab-Israeli conflicts and rivalries, placing Turkey in a more central role. The book approaches Middle Eastern affairs from inside the region, based on Turkish, Israeli and Arab sources, providing a much needed corrective to American - and British - centered accounts.
Israeli-Turkish relations underwent a profound transformation during the 1990s. Since 1996, in particular, the relationship has been widely perceived as exclusively focused on security ties. This aspect of the relationship has adversely affected the regional power balance and undermined stability. The study offers insight on the dynamics of this change, first by tracing the development of Turkish-Israeli relations from the 1980s. Thereafter, an analysis is made of the underlying reasons for the dramatic change in bilateral relations from 1996 onwards and how the two sides have conducted themselves in the aftermath. Finally, the study assesses the prospects for the future development of Turkish-Israeli ties, in the light of governmental and personnel changes on both sides. The author argues that the Israeli-Turkish relationship was a broad-based one that stirred little regional criticism until three defense agreements were signed in 1996. The Turkish military and the Israeli defense establishment have been largely responsible for the transformation in ties. While the Turkish armed forces have been driven by factors relating to domestic identity, the Israelis have the large Turkish arms market uppermost in mind. The study concludes that while the relationship is not unassailable and may be affected by contingencies, it seems likely to endure as part of the Middle East political scenario for years to come.
Turkey and Israel are two of the most important countries in the Middle East, but also are outsiders to the region for political and cultural reasons. Here Bengio examines the historic, geo-strategic and political-cultural roots of the Turkish-Israeli relationship, from the 1950s until today. Linking the relationship's evolution to the complexities of Turkey's historical ties with the Arab world, and changing domestic, regional and global conditions, the book traces the ebb and flow of the curious ties between the two countries. Bengio calls for a significant revision in the received wisdom about inter-Arab and Arab-Israeli conflicts and rivalries, placing Turkey in a more central role. The book approaches Middle Eastern affairs from inside the region, based on Turkish, Israeli and Arab sources, providing a much needed corrective to American - and British - centered accounts.
First Published in 1987. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
Turkey's foreign policy has significantly changed. Jerusalem is unlikely to accept Ankara as a mediator in its disputes with Syria and the Palestinians. In all probability, arms sales and strategic cooperation will no longer be possible, while diplomatic and economic relations will only marginally be affected. Turkey understands that its regional aspirations require a certain level of diplomatic relations with Israel, an important player in the Middle East. Jerusalem still wonders why Ankara prefers the dictators of Tehran, Damascus, Khartum and Gaza over the democracy of the Jewish state. But Israel has no interest in further deterioration, and so far it is reluctant to publicly declare that AKP-ruled Turkey hardly belongs to the Western camp. Turkey's major foreign policy orientation should be of great concern to the West. Western capitals are slow in gauging changes in the domestic and foreign politics of Turkey. Washington still plays with the idea that Ankara represents 'moderate Islam.' Yet, Turkey's preferences and policies are anything but moderate. Seeking good relations with Iran and Sudan, as well as with Hamas and Hizballah, puts Turkey squarely in a radical Islamist camp. Turkey is an important country whose foreign policy reorientation changes the balance of power in the Middle East in favor of the radical Islamist forces. It affects negatively the pro-Western orientation of the Central Asian republics. It considerably weakens the Western alliance, NATO in particular, and could also revive the historic Muslim threat to Europe from the East.
The strategic relationship between the United States and Turkey is over. While Turkey remains formally a NATO ally, it is not a partner of the United States. The United States should not be reluctant to oppose Turkey directly when Ankara undermines U.S. policy.