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This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. This book assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework, calling into question both primordial and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity, before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so, the book provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important. An explanation is given of how Croatian national identity was formed in the abstract, via a historical narrative that traces centuries of yearning for a national state. The book shows how the government, opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and diaspora groups offered alternative accounts of this narrative in order to legitimise contemporary political programmes based on different versions of national identity. It then looks at how these debates were manifested in social activities as diverse as football, religion, economics and language. This book attempts to make an important contribution to both the way we study nationalism and national identity, and our understanding of post-Yugoslav politics and society.
This volume assesses the formation of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. It develops a novel framework calling into question both primordial and modernist approaches to nationalism and national identity before applying that framework to Croatia. In doing so, the book provides a new way of thinking about how national identity is formed and why it is so important.
Following the collapse of the former Yugoslavia, Croatian was declared to be a separate language, distinct from Serbian, and linguistic issues became highly politicized. This book examines the changing status and norms of the Croatian language and its relationship to Croatian national identity, focusing on the period after Croatian independence.
This book analyzes top-down and bottom-up strategies of framing the nation and collective identities through commemorative practices relating to events from the Second World War and the 1990s "Homeland War" in Croatia. With attention to media representations of commemorative events and opinion poll data, it draws on interviews and participant observation at commemorative events to focus on the speeches of political elites, together with the speeches of opposition politicians and other social actors (such as the Catholic Church, anti-fascist organizations and war veterans’ and victims’ organizations) who challenge official narratives. Offering innovative approaches to researching and analyzing commemorative practices in post-conflict societies, this examination of a nation’s transition from a Yugoslav republic to an independent state – and now the newest member of the European Union – constitutes a unique case study for scholars of cultural memory and identity politics interested in the production and representation of national identities in official narratives.
In Amoral Communities, Mila Dragojević examines how conditions conducive to atrocities against civilians are created during wartime in some communities. She identifies the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders as the main processes. In these places, political and ethnic identities become linked and targeted violence against civilians becomes both tolerated and justified by the respective authorities as a necessary sacrifice for a greater political goal. Dragojević augments the literature on genocide and civil wars by demonstrating how violence can be used as a political strategy, and how communities, as well as individuals, remember episodes of violence against civilians. The communities on which she focuses are Croatia in the 1990s and Uganda and Guatemala in the 1980s. In each case Dragojević considers how people who have lived peacefully as neighbors for many years are suddenly transformed into enemies, yet intracommunal violence is not ubiquitous throughout the conflict zone; rather, it is specific to particular regions or villages within those zones. Reporting on the varying wartime experiences of individuals, she adds depth, emotion, and objectivity to the historical and socioeconomic conditions that shaped each conflict. Furthermore, as Amoral Communities describes, the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders limit individuals' freedom to express their views, work to prevent the possible defection of members of an in-group, and facilitate identification of individuals who are purportedly a threat. Even before mass killings begin, Dragojević finds, these and similar changes will have transformed particular villages or regions into amoral communities, places where the definition of crime changes and violence is justified as a form of self-defense by perpetrators.
When in the fourth century the Roman empire split into the Western and Eastern empires, the boundary between the two stretched from the Montenegrin coast up the river Drina to the confluence of the Sava and the Danube and then further north. This boundary has remained virtually unchanged for 1,500 years: the European, Catholic West and the Orthodox East meet on Slav territory. There were, and still are, ethnic similarities between the peoples on either side of the divide, but their culture and history differ fundamentally. The Croats and Croatia, on the western side of the divide, are traditionally linked with Hungarian, Italian, and German regions and Western Europe, and are also influenced by their long Mediterranean coastline. Ivo Goldstein's Croatia provides a necessary, accessible history of development of what is now an independent state. Croatia includes major sections on the early medieval Croatian state (until 1101), the periods of union with Hungary (1102-1526) and with Austria (1526-1918), incorporation in Yugoslavia (1918-91) and the creation of a sovereign state. Charting social, economic, and cultural developments, Goldstein shows us that this complex historical pattern explains many of the political developments of today.
Since the time of Herder (1744-1803), language has been recognized as an important element in defining national identity. Modern scholarship, however, is divided on the source of language's importance; some scholars emphasize its function as medium of communication while others stress its symbolic role in defining a community. Using Croatian linguistic nationalism as a test case, this thesis engages the debate by evaluating models of language's relation to the emergence of nationalism. The case is of interest because of two paradoxes: the major role of language in the assertion of Croatian national identity despite the Croatian language's mutual intelligibility with Serbian, and the lack of significant language reform in post-independence Croatia despite the pre-independence nationalist narrative of an erosion of the language's distinctness. To resolve these paradoxes I investigate four periods of Croatian history. First I analyze how well the early nineteenth-century Illyrian movement -- Croatia's first national movement -- fits each of five models of language's role in the emergence of nationalism: Ernest Gellner's functionalist model, the communications-based perspective of Karl Deutsch, Eric Hobsbawm' statecentered theory, the "Imagined Community" model of Benedict Anderson, and Anthony Smith's ethnosymbolist approach. I then evaluate how well each theory can explain the role of language during three subsequent periods of nationalist mobilization in Croatia: the era of rivalry between Yugoslavist and "state right" Croatian nationalists in the latter half of the nineteenth century, the Croatian fascist regime of World War II, and the movement to establish a Croatian state (circa 1967 to 2005). I conclude that Hobsbawm's state-centered theory best fits the Illyrian movement, and best explains the development and paradoxes of Croatian linguistic nationalism over time. However, Croatian nationalism displays continuity with premodern aspects of the country's culture and politics. Therefore Hobsbawm's model would be improved by a synthesis with ethnosymbolism's stress on the role of premodern legacies in modern political movements. Moreover, the survival of Croatian linguistic nationalism in a globalized international system and information-oriented economy calls into question Hobsbawm's (and others') prediction of the end of nationally-oriented politics.