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"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing." (Edmond Burke) Or for selfish people to obstruct those who are trying to do the right thing. This book probes the Islamic fanatics' end game - convert or die, they tell the West. The fanatics see our very success as a mortal threat to their own perverted version of the "pure" Islam world over which they thirst to rule. But the book also probes the feckless French and foolish liberals who are so wrapped up in their own agendas that they stand between forceful leadership and the real enemy at the gates. Bin Laden is perfectly willing to brainwash his followers into sacrificing their lives for the illusion of eternal paradise. Not that Bin Laden and his chief lieutenants are ready to die for their cause just yet. They want others to die so that they can live out their fantasies of a world converted in their image. How does he get away with it? By skillfully preying on the weaknesses of others, including the short-sighted who are blinded by their greed, cowardice or folly. This is where the feckless French and foolish liberals come in. As the book explains, tyrants like Saddam Hussein suit the fanatic Islamists' ambitions perfectly. All of this and more were staring the feckless French and foolish liberals in the face. But they turned a blind eye. At a crucial point in the history, they chose a course even worse then doing nothing. They obstructed decisive action against the growing cancer to serve their own agendas. In their own way and for their own selfish reasons, the French (along with other European elites) and the liberal establishment have trouble dealing with decisive assertions of U.S. power. They want to bring the United States down to a level that is indistinguishable from any other country. In a world of moral ambivalence that the feckless French and the foolish liberals are used to inhabiting, the United States government is no less to blame for what happened on September 11th than the terrorists and dictators who support them. This book connects the dots in the concerted strategy to fight the War on Terror that the liberals and French refuse to see and explains how George Bush's decision to remove Saddam Hussein after twelve years of inaction on the part of the United Nations was an essential part of that strategy
As America's leaders fight pre-emptive wars abroad and ordinary Americans fight to keep their heads above water here at home, Arianna Huffington offers a no-holds-barred account of where we stand and a clear and remarkable vision of where we should be headed. Taking aim at the ruthless fanatics in the Bush White House and the feckless fools in the all-too-compliant Democratic opposition, the best-selling author of Pigs at the Trough paints a scathing picture of our contemporary political landscape -- peopled with scoundrels and cowards, and awash in the constant and corrosive flow of dirty money. But the book doesn't stop there. Over the course of her run for governor of California, Arianna Huffington learned that criticism and outrage are not enough. She lays out her game plan for winning back America from our not-so-compassionately-conservative president, now firmly and happily in the grip of right-wing radicals like Dick Cheney, Karl Rove, and John Ashcroft. With the 2004 election fast approaching, Arianna Huffington sees fire in the ashes of the Democratic Party and reason for hope that this can be the year that the people finally take back control of their government and their country. Fearless, funny, in full command of the facts, and ever passionate, Arianna Huffington offers not just a chapter-and-verse diagnosis of the fanaticism that drives the Bush White House but a bold vision of New Responsibility for rebuilding our broken democracy. If you want to know what you can do to restore America to the promise and moral greatness envisioned by our greatest leaders, from Abraham Lincoln and Teddy Roosevelt to FDR and Bobby Kennedy, this book is required reading. These are big dreams, but, as Arianna argues, anything smaller guarantees the reelection of George Bush. Book jacket.
A definitive biography of the great French essayist and thinker One of the most important writers and thinkers of the Renaissance, Michel de Montaigne (1533–92) helped invent a literary genre that seemed more modern than anything that had come before. But did he do it, as he suggests in his Essays, by retreating to his chateau and stoically detaching himself from his violent times? Philippe Desan overturns this long standing myth by showing that Montaigne was constantly connected to and concerned with realizing his political ambitions—and that the literary and philosophical character of the Essays largely depends on them. Desan shows how Montaigne conceived of each edition of the Essays as an indispensable prerequisite to the next stage of his public career. It was only after his political failure that Montaigne took refuge in literature, and even then it was his political experience that enabled him to find the right tone for his genre. The most comprehensive and authoritative biography of Montaigne yet written, this sweeping narrative offers a fascinating new picture of his life and work.
The most incisive comment on politics to day is indifference. When men and women begin to feel that elections and legislatures do not matter very much, that politics is a rather distant and unimportant exercise, the reformer might as well put to himself a few searching doubts. Indifference is a criticism that cuts beneath oppositions and wranglings by calling the political method itself into question. Leaders in public affairs recognize this. They know that no attack is so disastrous as silence, that no invective is so blasting as the wise and indulgent smile of the people who do not care. I have put forward a preliminary sketch for a theory of politics, a preface to thinking. Like all speculation about human affairs, it is the result of a grapple with problems as they appear in the experience of one man. For though a personal vision may at times assume an eloquent and universal language, it is well never to forget that all philosophies are the language of particular men.
The acclaimed historian presents a “captivating account of a surprisingly little-known period” at the close of the American Revolution (Kirkus, starred review). On October 19, 1781, Great Britain’s best army surrendered to General George Washington at Yorktown. But the future of the thirteen former colonies was far from clear. 13,000 British troops still occupied New York City, and another 13,000 regulars and armed loyalists were scattered from Canada to Georgia. Meanwhile, the American army had not been paid for years and was on the brink of mutiny. In Europe, America’s only ally, France, teetered on the verge of bankruptcy and was soon reeling from a disastrous naval defeat in the Caribbean. A stubborn George III dismissed Yorktown as a minor defeat and refused to yield an acre of “my dominions” in America. In Paris, Ambassador Benjamin Franklin confronted violent hostility toward France among his fellow members of the American peace delegation. In The Perils of Peace, Thomas Fleming moves between the key players in this drama and shows that the outcome we take for granted was far from certain. With fresh research and masterful storytelling, Fleming breathes new life into this tumultuous but little known period in America’s history.
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A compelling new biography that recasts the most important European statesman of the first half of the nineteenth century, famous for his alleged archconservatism, as a friend of realpolitik and reform, pursuing international peace. Metternich has a reputation as the epitome of reactionary conservatism. Historians treat him as the archenemy of progress, a ruthless aristocrat who used his power as the dominant European statesman of the first half of the nineteenth century to stifle liberalism, suppress national independence, and oppose the dreams of social change that inspired the revolutionaries of 1848. Wolfram Siemann paints a fundamentally new image of the man who shaped Europe for over four decades. He reveals Metternich as more modern and his career much more forward-looking than we have ever recognized. Clemens von Metternich emerged from the horrors of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars, Siemann shows, committed above all to the preservation of peace. That often required him, as the Austrian Empire’s foreign minister and chancellor, to back authority. He was, as Henry Kissinger has observed, the father of realpolitik. But short of compromising on his overarching goal Metternich aimed to accommodate liberalism and nationalism as much as possible. Siemann draws on previously unexamined archives to bring this multilayered and dazzling man to life. We meet him as a tradition-conscious imperial count, an early industrial entrepreneur, an admirer of Britain’s liberal constitution, a failing reformer in a fragile multiethnic state, and a man prone to sometimes scandalous relations with glamorous women. Hailed on its German publication as a masterpiece of historical writing, Metternich will endure as an essential guide to nineteenth-century Europe, indispensable for understanding the forces of revolution, reaction, and moderation that shaped the modern world.