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This volume provides practitioners, academics and students with the first definitive coverage of NAFTA investment arbitration. Given the level of foreign direct investment within the NAFTA countries, the issue of redress for states in investment cases is a major one. The state dispute settlement mechanisms within NAFTAs Chapter Eleven are recognized as a model worthy of close examination. The experts and scholars who have contributed to this work present a comprehensive overview of the first ten years of practice in the area of investment disputes under the NAFTA provision. As in any nascent undertaking, the successes, failures and controversies that have been the experience of the state parties involved in NAFTA, are keenly reflected in the Chapter 11 cases. It is in these experiences, as described by in the chapters of this timely volume, that the readers will find substantive and procedural insights into an emerging new area of public international economic law. Many see the workings of the NAFTA agreement, particularly Chapter 11, as a Rorschach test for how state parties can approach and effectively adjudicate investment disputes. For this reason all practitioners and scholars concerned with international trade and foreign direct investment issues should consult this book. Published under the Transnational Publishers imprint.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was bold and controversial from the start. When first conceived, it was far from obvious that it would be possible given the circumstances of the times. Drawing from a December 2013 Hoover Institution conference on "NAFTA at 20," this book brings together distinguished academics who have studied the effects of NAFTA with high-level policy makers to present a comprehensive view of the North American Free Trade Agreement. It looks at the conception, creation, outcomes so far, and the future of NAFTA from the perspective of economists, historians, and the aforementioned policy makers in the words of those who actually participated in the negotiations and research. In the context of the fundamental economic and political transformation of North America, they discuss the trade, real wage, and welfare gains that NAFTA has produced for the United States, Mexico, and Canada, along with a review of the major energy markets within and among the three countries. They include lessons from NAFTA for the future, both for NAFTA itself and for other trade agreements, and stress the importance of political leadership and providing information on the benefits of trade liberalization to voters and potentially ill-informed politicians who hear most loudly from the opponents.
Seminar paper from the year 2007 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Middle- and South America, grade: 1,0, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nuremberg, 29 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: On January 1, 1994, Mexico, Canada, and the United States established the largest free trade area under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) after two and a half years of negotiation. This agreement created a free trade area on the North American subcontinent with approximately 431 million inhabitants and a GDP of about $15.3 trillion in 2006. NAFTA represented an important milestone in global trade policy, not just because of the sheer size of the free trade area it has created, but also with regard to the comprehensiveness of the agreement. It covered not just merchandise trade but also issues related to investment, environmental policies, energy generation, and labor markets. NAFTA's primary goal was the creation of a free-trade area with free movement of goods, service and capital, but no common market. In order to prevent the abuse of different external import tariffs, NAFTA implemented strict rules of origin. NAFTA is focused on economic cooperation and does not - in contrast to the European Union - intend a deeper political integration or the transfer of national sovereignty to a supranational organization. The creation of NAFTA is based on the fact that three countries, despite different size, economic structure, and ethnical background pursued the same goal, the establishment of a closer regional economic integration. Differences in economic terms between the member countries can be clarified by the distribution of NAFTA's GDP in 2006. More than 86.2 percent of NAFTA's total GDP was generated by the United States whereas Mexico contributed only 5.5 percent, which reflects the state of Mexico's economic development. Additionally, the Mexican GDP per capita amounted to only 18 respectively 20 percent of the GD
Seminar paper from the year 2007 in the subject Politics - Region: Middle and South America, grade: 1,0, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nuremberg, language: English, abstract: On January 1, 1994, Mexico, Canada, and the United States established the largest free trade area under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) after two and a half years of negotiation. This agreement created a free trade area on the North American subcontinent with approximately 431 million inhabitants and a GDP of about $15.3 trillion in 2006. NAFTA represented an important milestone in global trade policy, not just because of the sheer size of the free trade area it has created, but also with regard to the comprehensiveness of the agreement. It covered not just merchandise trade but also issues related to investment, environmental policies, energy generation, and labor markets. NAFTA’s primary goal was the creation of a free-trade area with free movement of goods, service and capital, but no common market. In order to prevent the abuse of different external import tariffs, NAFTA implemented strict rules of origin. NAFTA is focused on economic cooperation and does not - in contrast to the European Union - intend a deeper political integration or the transfer of national sovereignty to a supranational organization. The creation of NAFTA is based on the fact that three countries, despite different size, economic structure, and ethnical background pursued the same goal, the establishment of a closer regional economic integration. Differences in economic terms between the member countries can be clarified by the distribution of NAFTA’s GDP in 2006. More than 86.2 percent of NAFTA’s total GDP was generated by the United States whereas Mexico contributed only 5.5 percent, which reflects the state of Mexico’s economic development. Additionally, the Mexican GDP per capita amounted to only 18 respectively 20 percent of the GDP per capita in the United States and Canada.4 This heterogeneity between the three participating countries may be the most significant aspect of this agreement. This paper discusses NAFTA’s accomplishments and failures after its first decade from the Mexican perspective as the agreement has been confronted with skepticism from its inception until today. While Mexican officials understood NAFTA as a measure to modernize the country through free trade, critics feared the transformation of the Mexican economy to a huge maquiladora where investors are mainly focused on the exploitation of Mexico’s low labor costs.5 Since the beginning of negotiations, Mexico’s former President Salinas has raised high expectations on the Mexican side in economic and social terms with his statement: “The whole point of NAFTA for Mexico is to be able to export goods and not people. That means creating jobs in Mexico.” In order to highlight whether NAFTA resulted in economic as well as social improvements, this paper focuses on a comparison of these two aspects.
The proposed North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) represents a historic change in relations among Canada, Mexico, and the United States. The effect of the agreement on the three economies has generated controversy and some degree of alarm within each country. In this book, noted trade and development experts review the available literature on the effects of NAFTA on the three member countries and the world trading system. They evaluate how NAFTA will affect areas such as economic growth, employment, income distribution, industry, and agriculture in Canada, Mexico, and the United States; and consider the significance the trade agreement holds for the rest of the world. Drusill K. Brown begins the discussion by providing an overview and comparison of the general results from recent studies. Raúl Hinojosa-Ojeda and Sherman Robinson explore in greater detail the potential effects of NAFTA on wages and employment in Mexico and the United States. Sidney Wintrab reviews industry-specific effects of NAFTA, in particular, the environment, the social agenda, and human rights and democracy. Finally, Carlos Alberto Primo Braga considers the implications of NAFTA on the rest of the world. Following each of these chapters, international scholars assess the alternatives and provide recommendations for future research.
The renegotiation and possible termination of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) sparked a lot of interest and concern in light of the United States’ declared objective to “rebalance the benefits” of the agreement. This edited book provides an overview of the changes brought to the NAFTA by the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) or NAFTA 2.0. Grouping leading academics and experts from the three countries, the book covers the major topics in the transition from the NAFTA to the USMCA. The book also sheds light on the evolution of North American economic integration within the past three decades and reflects on the significance of the regional integration model represented by the NAFTA and now the USMCA. The book is aimed at scholars, students, officials, professionals and interested citizens concerned by the big issues surrounding North American integration and economic globalization.
"Very readable book written during height of NAFTA debate. Remains a valuable resource for discussing impact of the trade agreement in Mexico and US"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57.