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The problem of the social forms of family life still presents some obscurities. What appears to be most urgently needed is a careful investigation of facts in all the different ethnographical areas. I propose in this study to undertake this task for Australia. I shall avoid making any hypothetical assumptions, or discussing general problems which refer to the origin or evolution of the family. I wish only to describe in correct terms and as thoroughly as possible all that refers to actual family life in Australia. In other words I intend to give in outline the social morphology of the Australian family. It may be well to show briefly the necessity for this task, which to some may appear superfluous, and to indicate the lines on which it will be attempted. In the first place there are some contradictions with regard to the problem of relationship or kinship in Australia, which can be reduced to the question: Is kinship in Australia exclusively individual; or is it exclusively group kinship (or tribal kinship, as it often is called); and, further, do these two forms exclude each other or do they perhaps exist side by side? When Howitt says: "The social unit is not the individual, but the group; the former merely takes the relationships of his group, which are of group to group," this obviously means that there is no individual relationship, consequently no individual family in Australia. It is important to note that the passage just quoted is placed in the chapter on Relationship in Howitt's chief work on Australia, and that consequently it refers to all the tribes described by the author, i. e. to the majority of the known Australian tribes. The same opinion that there is only group relationship and no individual family is supported by another passage, no less important and general, for it is placed at the conclusion of Howitt's article on the organization of the Australian tribes in general: "It has been shown that the fundamental idea in the conception of an Australian community is its division into two groups. The relationships which obtain between the members of them are also those of group to group." And again: "The unit of aboriginal society is, therefore, not the individual, but the group. It is the group which marries the group and which begets the group." There are also a few passages in Spencer and Gillen which deny the existence of the individual family, at least in some tribes.
Description of the different forms of the Australian family organization; Methods of obtaining wives - Kurnai, Gourditch-mara, Youin, Bangerang, Wotjobaluk, Parkengee, Euahlayi, Wiradjuri, Dieri, Arunta, Warramunga, Binbinga, Anula, Mara, Tjinjilli, Gnanji, Kuinmurbura, Wakelbura [and other places throughout Australia]; Husband and wife relationships - diversity of previous statements and contradictions; Sexual aspects of marriage, punishment for infidelity, discussion on the pirrauru relationship of the Dieri, jealousy; Review of statements made on local groups, property rights, camp arrangements, relationship of the family unit to the tribal and territorial organization; Kinship, conception beliefs, collective ideas which define parental kinship; Examples of kinship ideas suggested by folklore (Central and north Central Aust.); Parental control and childhood, infanticide, life of initiates; Economic life, sexual division of labour, sociological features; Brings together and discusses statements by other authors on foregoing subjects.
Established in 1895 as the first U.S. scholarly journal in its field, AJS remains a leading voice for analysis and research in the social sciences, presenting work on the theory, methods, practice, and history of sociology. AJS also seeks the application of perspectives from other social sciences and publishes papers by psychologists, anthropologists, statisticians, economists, educators, historians, and political scientists.
Why do Aboriginal women in Australia experience such high levels of violence in their own communities? In this considered and carefully researched book, Joan Kimm discusses the extent and nature of the violence, its underlying causes, current policies that deal with it, and changes that might improve these policies. Her work covers: the devastating legacy of European colonialism on Indigenous culture, modern anthropological evidence about patriarchy and violence in traditional Aboriginal societies, beliefs held by Aboriginals, particularly men, about their cultural heritage, the impact of cultural heritage upon modern Indigenous society, and changing judicial attitudes to sentencing Aboriginal men for violence to Aboriginal women, shifting from emphasis on the men's cultural background to emphasis on the women's rights as victims. Kimm shows how this multi-faceted environment, particularly the interaction of two patriarchal laws, has had, and continues to have, very real destructive effects on Aboriginal women. Kimm argues powerfully that Aboriginal women, like all women, like all humans, have the universal right to lives free of violence. She contends that current law, policy and practice place too much emphasis on their rights as Indigenous people and too little on their rights as women. A shift in emphasis will be an important first step to safer lives.
Aboriginal Family and the State examines the contemporary relations and history of Indigenous families in Australia, specifically referencing issues of government control and recent official recognition of Aboriginal 'traditional owners'. Drawing on detailed empirical research, it develops a discussion of the anthropological issues of kinship and relatedness within colonial and 'postcolonial' contexts. This volume explores the conditions affecting the formation of 'family' among indigenous people in rural northern Australia, as well as the contingencies of 'family' in the legal and political context of contemporary indigenous claims to land. With a rich discussion of the production, practice and inscription of social relations, this volume examines everyday expressions of 'family', and events such as meetings and funerals, demonstrating that kinship is formed and reformed through a complicated social practice of competing demands on identity.
Bronislaw Malinowski (1884–1942) was one of the most colorful and charismatic social scientists of the twentieth century. His contributions as a founding father of social anthropology and his complex personality earned him international notoriety and near-mythical status. This landmark book presents a vivid portrait of Malinowski’s early life, from his birth in Cracow to his departure in 1920 from the Trobriand Islands of the South Pacific. At the age of 36, he had already created the innovative fieldwork methods and techniques that would secure his intellectual legacy. Drawing on an exceptionally rich array of primary documents, including Malinowski’s letters and unpublished diaries and manuscripts, Michael Young provides significant new information about the anthropologist’s personality, private life, and career. The author describes Malinowski’s restless life of travel, connections with intellectuals and artists, Nietzschean belief in his own destiny, and legendary fieldwork. The singular man who emerges from these pages fascinates on every level—as a volatile friend and lover, a provocative colleague, a passionate diarist, and a brilliant thinker who pioneered radical change in the field of anthropology.
This volume explores the constitutive role of rhetoric in socio-cultural relations, where discursive persuasion is so important, and contains both theoretical chapters as well as fascinating examples of the ambiguities and effects of rhetoric used (un)consciously in social praxis. The elements of power, competition and political persuasion figure prominently. It is an accessible collection of studies, speaking to common issues and problems in social life, and shows the heuristic and often explanatory value of the rhetorical perspective.
Feminist Anthropology surveys the history of feministanthropology and offers students and scholars a fascinatingcollection of both classic and contemporary articles, grouped tohighlight key themes from the past and present. Offers vibrant examples of feminist ethnographic work ratherthan synthetic overviews of the field. Each section is framed by a theoretical and bibliographicessay. Includes a thoughtful introduction to the volume that providescontext and discusses the intellectual “foremothers” ofthe field, including Margaret Mead, Ruth Landes, Phyllis Kaberry,and Zora Neale Hurston.