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Eva Gross analyzes changing national preferences towards the EU CFSP and ESDP by providing detailed accounts of British, French and German crisis decision-making in FYROM, Afghanistan, Lebanon and DR Congo. While transatlantic relations remain important, crisis management under the EU label is increasingly accepted in national capitals.
This title was first published in 2001. This study questions whether the development of foreign and security policy co-operation within the EU has constrained or empowered Danish, Dutch and Irish foreign policy. This entails a study of the relationship between national foreign policy and EU frameworks for co-operation.
Examines how national foreign policies in the EU affect common EU positions in international politics.
Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of contributors -- List of acronyms -- Preface -- Introduction: conceptualising the foreign policies of EU Member States -- PART I Geographic orientations/geopolitics -- 1 The Northern European Member States -- 2 Western EU Member States foreign policy geo-orientations: UK, Ireland and the Benelux -- 3 Foreign policies of Eastern EU states -- 4 France and Germany: the European Union's 'central' Member States -- 5 Southern Europe: Portugal, Spain, Italy, Malta, Greece, Cyprus -- PART II Foreign policy dimensions -- 6 Foreign policy and diplomacy -- 7 Security and defence -- 8 Member State policy towards EU military operations -- 9 Enlarging the European Union: Member State preferences and institutional dynamics -- 10 European energy policy -- 11 European Neighbourhood Policy and the migration crisis -- 12 Development: shallow Europeanisation? -- 13 External facets of justice, freedom and security -- 14 National aims and adaptation: lessons from the market -- 15 The EU in the world: from multilateralism to global governance -- 16 Conclusion -- Index
This book examines the interplay between the national and the European levels in EU foreign policymaking, focusing on the Middle East. European engagement in peacemaking in the Middle East dates back to foreign-policy cooperation in the early 1970s. Following the launch of the peace process in 1991, the EU and its Member States further stepped up their involvement in conflict resolution, focusing on one central area of EU engagement - the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This book covers the period from the beginning of the peace process in 1991 until 2008, and focuses on the actions of the big three Member States: Germany, France and the UK. Using the Europeanization concept as framework of analysis, the book examines the problematic dynamics between these Member States' national foreign-policy models and the construction of a common European conflict-resolution policy. It also provides interesting new insights into the EU's international role and potential, addressing the often neglected question of how Europeanization effects help to mitigate some of the classical limitations of European foreign policymaking. The book will be of great interest to students of EU policy, Middle Eastern Politics, peace and conflict resolution, security studies and IR.
This text reviews a variety of approaches to the study of the European Union's foreign policy. Much analysis of EU foreign policy contains implicit theoretical assumptions about the nature of the EU and its member states, their inter-relationships, the international system in which they operate and the nature and direction of European integration. In many instances such assumptions, given that they are not discussed openly, curtail rather than facilitate debate. The purpose of this book is to open up this field of enquiry so that students, observers and analysts of EU foreign policy can review a broad range of tools and theoretical templates from which the development and the trajectory of the EU's foreign policy can be studied.
Seminar paper from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1.0, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: ‘For the last thirty years, Spanish foreign policy has had a single (though double-barrelled) objective: first, integration in Europe; secondly, integration of Europe.’ (Torreblanca 2010, p.10). Not quite a decade after twelve European countries agreed on a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), national foreign policies among the EU have ‘significantly been changed, if not transformed, by participation over time in foreign policy making at the European level’ (White 2001, p.6). This, indeed, says little about the nature and direction of the changes that occurred and whether these conduced to general foreign policy convergence among EU member states or perhaps even fostered greater divergence. In recent years, Europeanisation processes of national foreign policies have attracted more and more scholarly attention. While some case studies focus on the European impact on Central and Northern European states, for instance the Netherlands, Denmark and Ireland (Tonra 2001), others evaluate the distinctive features of the ‘Big Three’ – France, the United Kingdom and Germany – in EU foreign policy-making (Wong 2006; Gross 2009; Aggestam 2011 Forthcoming). In contrast, EU states in the Southern periphery have substantially been described as adaptive laggards that ‘displayed remarkably resilient and distinctive features of state tradition and political culture despite the pressures of the EU’ (Featherstone and Kazamias 2001, p.2). One of these countries, Spain, joined the European Union at a time when joint efforts to encourage a common foreign and security policy framework were still in the early stages of development. It will be argued below that Spain, at first assumed to be an enfant terrible within the European foreign policy framework, turned out to be an enfant sage with greater ambitions. From the viewpoint of social constructivism, the changing behaviour as well as the active role that Spain took very early in European foreign policy will be portrayed.
This comparative analysis of the foreign policies of European Union member states includes comprehensive coverage of the post-Maastricht period and the three newest members of the EU. In the only comparative study of its kind since 1976, the book analyzes the dual impact of the Maastricht Treaty on the European Union, and the post-Cold War environment on the foreign policy processes of the EU’s member states. The book argues for a new approach to the foreign policy analysis of EU states that recognizes the fundamental changes that membership brings after the Cold War, but also acknowledges the diverse role of policies which states seek to retain or advance as being “special.”
Based on extensive empirical work by a cross-European group of researchers, this book assesses the impact of the creation of the European External Action Service (EEAS) on the national foreign policy-making processes and institutions of the EU member states. As such, the contributions cover both the involvement of the national diplomatic and foreign policy actors in shaping the outlook of the EEAS and its mission, as well as the changes (or not) it has produced for those actors of the member states. The analysis draws in theoretical frameworks from Europeanization and socialization, but also from intergovernmental frameworks of policy-making within the European Union. An introduction by the editors outlines the issues and trends examined in the book and establishes the theoretical and methodological framework. Split into 2 sections, Part I: EEAS and national diplomacies as part of global and European structures has contributions by Richard Whitman, Rosa Balfour, Christian Lequesne, Caterina Carta and Simon Duke. Part II: National diplomacies shaping and being shaped by the EEAS is covered by Daniel Fiott, Fabien Terpan, Cornelius Adebahr, Andrea Frontini, Ignacio Molina and Alicia Sorroza, Laura C. Ferreira-Pereira, Alena Vysotskaya G. Vieira and Louise van Schaik, Grzegorz Gromadzki, Mark Rhinard, Jakob Lewander and Sara Norrevik, Sabina Kajnc Lange, Ruby Gropas and George Tzogopoulos, Vit Beneš and Kristi Raik. This book is much needed, especially in an era when the EU is trying to pull its weight in the international sphere (e.g. Syria, Iran, the Arab Spring, Chinese relations and emerging powers) but also at a time when the EU is trying to recalibrate its institutional structure in light of the current financial predicaments and questions on the democratic legitimacy of the European project.
National and European Foreign Policy explores the processes of interaction between the national and the European levels in foreign policy making in European Union states. The volume also assesses the mutual influence which the Member States exert on each other, independent of the EU institutions, thus tracing the extent to which Member State foreign policies are being Europeanized into more convergent, coordinated policies. With chapters examining France, Germany, Italy, UK, Denmark, Greece, Spain, Finland, Poland and Slovenia, the overarching questions the volume addresses centre on the nature of the relationship between the foreign policies of the Member States and ‘European’ foreign policy. Engaging with ‘Europeanization’ with theoretical rigour, the contributors to this volume examine the EU’s impact on the foreign policies of Member States old and new, the impact of the Member States on the EU’s external relations, and the influence of the Member States on each other’s foreign policies. Providing interesting detail on changes in foreign policy thinking and national policies using the concept of Europeanization, National and European Foreign Policy will be of interest to students and scholars of European politics and policy formation, foreign policy and International Relations.