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Despite recent modifications, the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union (EU) and West African (WA) countries is still being criticized for its potential detrimental effects on WA countries. This paper provides updated evidence on the impact of the EPA on these countries. A dynamic multicountry, multisector computable general equilibrium trade model with modeling of the dual-dual economy and with a consistent tariff aggregator is used to simulate a series of new scenarios that include updated information on the agreement. We also go beyond estimating macrolevel economic effects to analyze the impacts on poverty. The policy simulation results show that the implementation of the EPA between the EU and WA countries would have marginal but positive impacts on Burkina Faso and Côte d’Ivoire and negative impacts on Benin, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, and Togo. The impact on poverty indicators in Ghana and Nigeria would be marginal. From the perspective of WA countries, this study supports the view that recent EU concessions are not sufficient and that domestic fiscal reforms are needed in WA countries themselves.
This book constitutes a critical review of Nigeria’s attempts to achieve rapid industrial development since independence from Britain in 1960. It details the issues, challenges, and hard choices confronted by Nigerian political leadership and highlights the reasons why the country ultimately failed to achieve industrial take-off in spite of its abundant human and material resources. Chapters take a retrospective look at government industrial development policies and programs, including the steel industry, agro-allied and forest-based industries, and the industrial estate development program. The book also discusses tariff and trade policies, incentives and disincentives to foreign direct investment (FDI) in the manufacturing sector, and small and medium enterprise (SME) development. The book concludes with a look at the recent drive towards regional integration as well as the potential impact of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union and sixteen countries of West Africa. Providing an exhaustive history of Nigeria’s economic and industrial development, this volume will be of interest to researchers and students of African economics, development studies, and industrial organization, as well as policy makers in both the public and private sectors.
Although labor is usually the unique asset upon which poor people can make a living, little is known about the functioning of labor markets in Sub-Saharan Africa. The purpose of this volume is to contribute to the building of knowledge in this area. In this book, the authors use a unique set of identical and simultaneous labor force surveys conducted in seven capitals of Western Africa, as well as in some other African countries (Cameroon, Madagascar, Democratic Republic of Congo) in the 2000s. They present innovative and original results on how people are faring in these labour markets, using up-to-date econometric and statistical methods. Because so little is known about labor markets in the region, each chapter starts with detailed descriptive statistics that aim to shed light onto specific aspects of African urban labor markets. Comparisons between the ten cities are systematically carried out. Descriptive sections are followed by in-depth analyses on various issues. The book is divided into four parts that examine 13 topics. Part I presents the main stylised facts, which are investigated further in a more analytical way throughout the volume. Part II focuses on job quality and labor market conditions, such as unemployment and underemployment, vulnerability, and job satisfaction. Part III explores the many dimensions of labor market inequalities through various lenses, such as returns on education, segmentation, life-cycle inequality (with a particular focus on old age), inter-generational mobility, time related inequality, and gender and ethnic earnings discrimination. Part IV addresses some key coping mechanisms and private responses, with a focus on migration and child labor. The book concludes with recommendations for future research.
This paper uses a newly constructed revenue dataset of 35 resource-rich countries for the period 1992-2009 to analyze the impact of expanding resource revenues on different types of domestic (non resource) tax revenues. Overall, we find a statistically significant negative relationship between resource revenues and total domestic (non resource) revenues, including for the major tax components. For each additional percentage point of GDP in resource revenues, there is a reduction in domestic (non resource) revenues of about 0.3 percentage points of GDP. We find this primarily occurs through reduced effort on taxes on goods and services—in particular, the VAT— followed by a smaller negative impact on corporate income and trade taxes.
Authors from different backgrounds (including law, political science and economics) analyze the forces that gave rise to the new agreement as well as the negotiating process of the new agreement, and the negotiations that are taking place to produce the planned Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) that are to replace the existing non-reciprocal trade preferences that are incompatible with WTO law.
The current world economy is interconnected; however, due to recent economic crises, trade deficits, and nationalist movements, there is a political trend of economic nationalism that is taking root in countries around the world. As such, global economies around the world are decreasing their international trade and introducing import tariffs and economic protectionism. International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era provides a comprehensive understanding of the recent rise of economic nationalism in the context of the hyper-connected global economy by providing strategies and country-specific solutions for domestic and international firms. Covering how multinational corporations can overcome the protectionist sentiments while reinventing their corporate social responsibility models, it showcases how economic nationalism and globalization can successfully coexist. This publication is ideally designed for business leaders, economists, professionals, policymakers, researchers, and academicians.
Trade preferences are a key element in industrial countries' efforts to assist the integration of least developed countries (LDCs) into the world economy. Brenton provides an initial evaluation of the impact of the European Union's recently introduced "Everything but Arms" (EBA) initiative on the products currently exported by the LDCs. He shows that the changes introduced by the EBA initiative in 2001 are relatively minor for currently exported products, primarily because over 99 percent of EU imports from the LDCs are in products which the EU had already liberalized, and the complete removal of barriers to the key remaining products-rice, sugar, and bananas-has been delayed. Brenton looks at the role EU preferences to LDCs in general have been playing and could play in assisting the integration of the LDCs. He shows that there is considerable variation across countries in the potential impact that EU preferences can have given current export structures. There is a group of LDCs for whom EU trade preferences on existing exports are not significant since these exports are mainly of products where the most-favored-nation duty is zero. Export diversification is the key issue for these countries. For other LDCs, EU preferences have the potential to provide a more substantial impact on trade. However, the author shows that only 50 percent of EU imports from non-ACP (Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific) LDCs which are eligible actually request preferential access to the EU. The prime suspect for this low level of use are the rules of origin, both the restrictiveness of the requirements on sufficient processing and the costs and difficulties of providing the necessary documentation. More simple rules of origin are likely to enhance the impact of EU trade preferences in terms of improving market access and in stimulating diversification toward a broader range of exports.
The headlong rush of the European Union (EU) in Free Trade Agreements reaches the paroxysm of absurdity when it imposes them on West Africa, whose per capita GDP is 21 times lower than its own. This Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) would make West Africa lose 76% of its customs revenue on its imports from the EU and lead to a sharp rise in unemployment due to the loss of competitiveness of its companies including the informal sectors.The latter will be worsened by the premature signing, with support from the EU, of the Continental Free Trade Area by 13 of 16 West African States, all this based on a number of untruths from the European Commission, as identified in this book.
This book offers a holistic and comprehensive assessment of the European Union's (EU) relations with Africa focusing on their historical, political, socio-economic, and cultural dimensions. In the high imperial period from the nineteenth century, some in Europe advocated the idea of EurafriqueA" - a formula for putting Africa's resources at the disposal of Europe's industries. After tracing Europe's historical attempts to remodel relations following African independence from the 1960s and Europe's own quest for unity, the book examines the current strategic dimensions of the relationship. Most especially, contributors examine the place of Africa in the EU's need for global partnerships. Key topics discussed include trade and investment, security and governance, migration and identity, and the historical legacy on the current relationship. The volume closely analyses the key European players in Africa - France, Britain, Portugal, and the Nordics - within the context of the EU. Finally, it examines Europe's controversial immigration policies and complex relations with the Maghreb and Mediterranean, as well as perceptions of past and current European identity. The study concludes that Africa and Europe still appear not to have escaped fully the burdens of history, and examines the feasibility of elaborating and practising, in future, an Afro-EuropaA": a new relationship defined by genuine equality, partnership, and mutual self-interest between both continents-and one that finally sheds the baggage of the EurafriqueA" past.