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This book provides a critical understanding of Europeanization and statebuilding in the Western Balkans, using the notion of everyday practices. This volume argues that it is everyday and mundane events that provide the entry points to showcase a broader set of practices of Europeanization in countries outside the EU. It does this by tracing notions of Europeanization in the everyday statebuilding of Kosovo, Europe Day celebrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, urban politics in Tirana, and space and place making in Skopje. In doing so, the book shows that everyday events tell us that as much as it is about changing structures, institutions, and economic models, Europeanization is also about changing behaviours and ideas in populations at large. At the same time, the work shows that countries outside the EU use everyday events to perform their belonging to Europe. This book will be of much interest to students of European Studies, Balkan politics, statebuilding, and International Relations generally.
This book examines the European Union’s everyday statebuilding practices, using the case of Kosovo as an example of how it uses informal practices to influence local actors. The objective of the book is to explain how the EU operates as a statebuilding actor in the everyday context, outside its zone of comfort. It illustrates the EU’s dynamics of dealing with the local actors through everyday practices, which are understood as informal means or practices of interaction with the local actors in the framework of three key issues of relevance for statebuilding process for the EU: rule of law, reforming public administration and resolving bilateral disputes. The book shows how the EU utilizes everyday practices to influence decision-making process on the part of the government in order to ensure a particular outcome, be that diffusing a norm or promoting its own interests; in doing so, it gives an important insight into what these interests actually are in practice. In providing an insight into how the EU works as a statebuilding actor in practice in the everyday context, it unmasks factors that facilitate the EU’s influence on other countries that it considers to be ‘ailing’, such as Kosovo, in order to secure desired behaviours, decisions, and actions on the part of the local government. It also unmasks the EU’s commitment to being an ethical actor by unearthing practices that undermine local agency, the practical intentions of the EU’s statebuilding intervention approaches, and the reality that hides behind the façade of public statements on the part of the EU and the local government. In doing so, the book provides a new way to look at the EU as a statebuilding actor. This book will be of interest to students of statebuilding, EU policy, Balkan politics and, International Relations.
A state-of-the-art consideration of the European Union's crisis response mechanisms based on comparative fieldwork in a number of cases.
This book critically examines the process of statebuilding by the EU, focusing on its attempts to build Member States in the Western Balkan region. This book analyses the European Union's policies towards, and the impact they have, upon the states of the Western Balkans, and assesses how these affect the nature of EU foreign policy. To this end, it focuses on the tools and mechanisms that the EU employs in its enlargement policy and examines the new instruments of direct intervention (in Bosnia and Kosovo), political coercion (in the case of Croatia and Serbia in relation to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia), and stricter conditionality in the Western Balkan countries. The book discusses the key aim of this special form of statebuilding, which is to establish functional liberal-democratic states in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia in order for them to join the EU and to cope with the responsibilities and pressures of membership in the future. However, the authors argue that while the EU sees itself as an international actor that promotes and protects liberal-democratic values, norms and principles, its experiences in the Western Balkans demonstrate how the EU ́s actions in the region have undermined the basic principles of democratic decision-making (such as the European support for impositions in Bosnia) and international law (Kosovo), and have consequently contributed to new tensions (see police reform in Bosnia, and the tensions between Kosovo and Serbia) and dependencies. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, EU politics, global governance and IR/Security Studies in general.
This book presents a systematic, in-depth, and comparative analysis of the role of the EU in the process of international state-building and is one of the first comprehensive books to do so at an international level. Taking the case of Kosovo, it examines the EU's role in the birth of a state in comparison to other international actors from 1999 to 2008 and moves on to analyse the EU's role in norm diffusion in the post-independence period (2008–2020). Throughout the book, the author draws parallel analyses with broader debates and scholarly literature regarding the EU’s role as a state-builder or norm-diffuser. Combining a liberal peace thesis framework with the normative power Europe (NPE) approach, it analyses how successful the EU and other international actors were in the diffusion of tangible and normative impacts in the process of state-building in Kosovo (1999–2008), along with the EU’s diffusion of normative impact from 2008 to 2020. Finally, it scrutinises the role of the EU and other international actors in the processes of state-building through transference tools (funding) and overt tools (political role). This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of EU foreign policy, European politics, peace and conflict studies, the Western Balkans, state-building, international organisations, and more broadly to international relations.
Given the recent revival of nationalism in many parts of the world in tandem with new conflicts and forms of interventionism, this book uses the case of Kosovo to discuss some of key problems around contemporary practices of state-building. Based on exhaustive research and fieldwork, Marius Calu investigates how the management of plurality is a fundamental element of contemporary state-building seeking to build social cohesion, while for the new-born Kosovo it stands as vital symbol for its domestic sovereignty and legitimisation. With the aim of understanding why and in what ways the management of diversity has become a central element of state-building in post-conflict Kosovo, this study juxtaposes the de jure multi-ethnic liberal democratic form of governance with the de facto results and consequences of Kosovo's task to protect, accommodate and integrate its ethnic minorities.
This volume provides one of the first comprehensive feminist readings of international statebuilding, with a specific focus on the case of Kosovo. Rather than simply showing how the state in Kosovo is being built by and through women and feminist encounters, this volume is interested to problematise women and feminist subjectivities vis-à-vis the state and statebuilding. The book challenges three main arguments related to the processes and subjects of statebuilding in Kosovo. First, the academic literature on Kosovo has a tendency to take the international intervention of 1999 as the originary point of statebuilding processes in Kosovo. Second, and relatedly, given Kosovo's unprecedented exposure to Western intervention and statebuilding, the majority of works start from the presumption that liberal interventionism in Kosovo (and elsewhere) is normatively more progressive than the previous system, and that the liberal interventionism and statebuilding are naturally gender progressive and gender-equal. The third argument has to do with the existing legal architecture on gender and women’s rights in contemporary Kosovo. The aim of the volume is to, on the one hand, problematise the evidence against the backdrop of everyday manifestations and/or performances of statebuilding and on the other hand interrogate the co-constitutive gender aspect. In terms of methodology, the volume brings together contributions that rely on traditional and multi-sited ethnography, and narrative research rooted in projects and initiatives in Kosovo. This allows the contributors to unearth new and silenced actors, entry points, subjects and subjectivities in processes of and related to statebuilding in Kosovo; feminist frictions and challenges to statebuilding in Kosovo; as well as encounters of heteronormative statebuilding. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, Balkan politics, feminisms, and international relations, in general.
This book explores how actors practise sovereignty as a force in a multiscalar context. Among the various power structures that perform sovereignty, such as the head of state, a legislative body, or the military, one aspect is clear: the practice of sovereignty relies upon people at multiple levels - better portrayed as scales - of authority. This book focuses on actors – the people who bring sovereignty to life, who imbue it with meaning, and who are ultimately responsible for its practice. With that perspective, the volume interprets various case studies, such as Russian approaches to sovereignty in its leadership and Central Bank, Scottish parties' discourses, and NATO command structures. Beyond those contexts, the work also examines Chinese digital platforms, criminal gangs in Latin America, Polish and Czech nationalist movements, want-to-be states in Kurdistan-Iraq and Abkhazia, and Polish video games – together, these examples demonstrate how actors practise sovereignty in unity with, but also in place of, the state. As proof of concept, the authors further examine how they, as researchers, also qualify as practitioners of sovereignty. In a concluding three-chapter section, they reflexively explore how research methods and disciplines of study actively shape sovereignty and how the latter defines the outer limits of scholarly research. This book will be of interest to students of statehood, sovereignty, discourse analysis, history, political science, sociology, and international relations.
This book develops a holistic understanding of the intrinsic security concerns which lie at the heart of the protracted conflict in Cyprus. This work offers a well-grounded account of intractability in Cyprus by unfolding the rationale and prevalence of competitive approaches held by Greek and Turkish Cypriots alike. The analysis explains how crude security interests give birth to an existentialist security dilemma that has so far prevented Greek and Turkish Cypriots, and their security guarantors, from reaching a durable settlement. This book contains a systematic critique of the breadth and depth of the major security concerns embedded in the proposed federal bi‐zonal framework for Cyprus, uncovering the impetus and rationale of the underlying insecurities that prompt the Greek and Turkish sides to compete on a series of state‐building aspects, including the opposing understandings of self‐determination and sovereignty, the competitive underpinnings of federal institutional design, and the problematic role of third‐party involvement. This book ultimately unravels a deeper and more pragmatic understanding of how competitive security considerations and geopolitical considerations link up to ethno‐federal design in post‐conflict environments. This book will be of much interest to students of conflict studies, federalism studies, statebuilding, European politics, and International Relations.