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In The End of the Republican Era, Theodore J. Lowi predicts not only a collapse of the Republican coalition but also the potential collapse of the United States’ republican experiment at large. Professing that the ideologies of dominant political coalitions contain the seeds of their own destruction, Lowi suggests that the efforts of a new conservative Right to enforce a national, religion-based morality has brought about the demise of the Republican era. A new, in-depth afterword by Lowi brings the text up to date with a discussion of political events since the book’s original publication. Noting the appearance of the new Conservative coalition, whose ideology runs counter to that of the traditional Republican party, Lowi affirms that the Republican era did in fact come to an end during the 1990s, having morphed into a Conservative party.
Although one will not learn this in a typical history class, there is an incredibly consistent 72-year and 36-year cycle in American history. Every 72 years one political party overwhelmingly controls national politics and is then replaced by another party in the 72nd year. It is an amazingly consistent historical pattern. And it doesn't take a Ph.D. to grasp it. With a few graphs and a few reminders of U.S. history, nearly all Americans will recognize these 72-year transition elections of the past. Three of America's most famous Presidents ushered in these new 72-year eras - George Washington (in 1788), Abraham Lincoln (in 1860), and FDR (in 1932). Each of these elections ushered in dramatic political change and a 72-year era that was overwhelmingly dominated by one political party. Of course, the details are a little more complicated. But, in short, all the significant changes of political party balance in American history can be explained by the Cycle. And its relevance is not just found in the distant past; it is pertinent to recent elections, the present political environment, and the future. So, what does it mean for the election of 2012 and beyond? How did the forces of this Cycle affect the elections of the last few decades, and the most recent elections of 2006, 2008 and 2010? How does the Tea Party fit into all this? What is the 36-year cycle? Will the political polarization and divided government of the last 40 years continue? The author answers all those questions and many more. The book is divided into four sections. Section I introduces the Cycle with charts and quick histories. Section II delves into the unexpected forces that are causing the Cycle to occur. Section III reviews American history since George Washington, providing insights into how the phases of the Cycle have affected our entire history as a nation. And in the last section the author combines the lessons of the past, brings us up to the present, focuses on 2012, and then takes us into the future decades. In the end, one should come away with a historically solid way of evaluating the past, present, and future that one will not find anywhere else.
From the Renaissance to today, the idea that the Roman Republic lasted more than 450 years--persisting unbroken from the late sixth century to the mid-first century BC--has profoundly shaped how Roman history is understood, how the ultimate failure of Roman republicanism is explained, and how republicanism itself is defined. In Roman Republics, Harriet Flower argues for a completely new interpretation of republican chronology. Radically challenging the traditional picture of a single monolithic republic, she argues that there were multiple republics, each with its own clearly distinguishable strengths and weaknesses. While classicists have long recognized that the Roman Republic changed and evolved over time, Flower is the first to mount a serious argument against the idea of republican continuity that has been fundamental to modern historical study. By showing that the Romans created a series of republics, she reveals that there was much more change--and much less continuity--over the republican period than has previously been assumed. In clear and elegant prose, Roman Republics provides not only a reevaluation of one of the most important periods in western history but also a brief yet nuanced survey of Roman political life from archaic times to the end of the republican era.
In the Election of 1872 the conflict between President U. S. Grant and Horace Greeley has been typically understood as a battle for the soul of the ruling Republican Party. In this innovative study, Andrew Slap argues forcefully that the campaign was more than a narrow struggle between Party elites and a class-based radical reform movement. The election, he demonstrates, had broad consequences: in their opposition to widespread Federal corruption, Greeley Republicans unintentionally doomed Reconstruction of any kind, even as they lost the election. Based on close readings of newspapers, party documents, and other primary sources, Slap confronts one of the major questions in American political history: How, and why, did Reconstruction come to an end? His focus on the unintended consequences of Liberal Republican politics is a provocative contribution to this important debate.
In the Election of 1872 the conflict between President U. S. Grant and Horace Greeley has been typically understood as a battle for the soul of the ruling Republican Party. In this innovative study, Andrew Slap argues forcefully that the campaign was more than a narrow struggle between Party elites and a class-based radical reform movement. The election, he demonstrates, had broad consequences: in their opposition to widespread Federal corruption, Greeley Republicans unintentionally doomed Reconstruction of any kind, even as they lost the election. Based on close readings of newspapers, party documents, and other primary sources, Slap confronts one of the major questions in American political history: How, and why, did Reconstruction come to an end? His focus on the unintended consequences of Liberal Republican politics is a provocative contribution to this important debate.
In 146 BC the armies of Rome destroyed Carthage and emerged as the decisive victors of the Third Punic War. The Carthaginian population was sold and its territory became the Roman province of Africa. In the same year and on the other side of the Mediterranean Roman troops sacked Corinth, the final blow in the defeat of the Achaean conspiracy: thereafter Greece was effectively administered by Rome. Rome was now supreme in Italy, the Balkans, Greece, Macedonia, Sicily, and North Africa, and its power and influence were advancing in all directions. However, not all was well. The unchecked seizure of huge tracts of land in Italy and its farming by vast numbers of newly imported slaves allowed an elite of usually absentee landlords to amass enormous and conspicuous fortunes. Insecurity and resentment fed the gulf between rich and poor in Rome and erupted in a series of violent upheavals in the politics and institutions of the Republic. These were exacerbated by slave revolts and invasions from the east.
*Includes pictures *Includes quotes by Republican leaders over the years *Includes online resources and a bibliography for further reading *Includes a table of contents 2016 has been one of the most unusual election years, and nothing represents the unprecedented nature more than the race for the Republican Party's presidential nomination, which featured over 15 candidates. As with most years, several candidates with various political experience, from former and current governors to Congressmen and Senators, ran, but the race also featured a number of political novices, one of whom is poised to be the party's nominee. In a sense, all of that is fitting given the winding nature of the Republican Party's history. Now dominant in the American South, the party was anathema in the South for more than a century. Likewise, if someone asked a man on the street in the early 1900s to describe the Republican Party, he might point to Teddy Roosevelt's efforts on behalf of progressive politics and conservation, whereas a few years later, the Party was known as a protector of big business, and later law and order. During the Reagan Era, the words "small government" came to characterize the party, even as its leaders took one hit after another for wanting to limit social spending. Republicans were in office at the start of the Depression and the end of the Vietnam War. Ultimately, the direction that the Republican Party has taken at any given time has been determined, for the most part, by the party leadership, which has traditionally made its voice most heard at the Republican National Convention, which convenes once every 4 years to nominate candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. During its more than 150 years of existence, it has nominated saints and scoundrels, seen some men make it to the White House and others not. Its first successful candidate was assassinated, as was one of his successors a few decades later. It has survived through war and economic downturns, as well as the just as dangerous prosperity that seems to have been created by someone else. It remains one-half of the two party system that has almost always dominated American politics, even as many question its future. Of course, given the party's history, those who wonder how it will survive and move forward should probably take a look at what the party has already endured. The Grand Old Party: The History of the Republican Party examines the formation of the GOP and the twists and turns the party has taken during its history. Along with pictures of important people, places, and events, you will learn about the GOP like never before.
Conservatives and liberals alike are currently debating the probable future of the Republican Party. What direction will conservatives and republicans take on foreign policy in the age of Obama? This book tackles this question.
Learn why the Roman Republic collapsed -- and how it could have continued to thrive -- with this insightful history from an award-winning author. In Mortal Republic, prize-winning historian Edward J. Watts offers a new history of the fall of the Roman Republic that explains why Rome exchanged freedom for autocracy. For centuries, even as Rome grew into the Mediterranean's premier military and political power, its governing institutions, parliamentary rules, and political customs successfully fostered negotiation and compromise. By the 130s BC, however, Rome's leaders increasingly used these same tools to cynically pursue individual gain and obstruct their opponents. As the center decayed and dysfunction grew, arguments between politicians gave way to political violence in the streets. The stage was set for destructive civil wars -- and ultimately the imperial reign of Augustus. The death of Rome's Republic was not inevitable. In Mortal Republic, Watts shows it died because it was allowed to, from thousands of small wounds inflicted by Romans who assumed that it would last forever.