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"This work takes a look at the effects of imposed State Feminism policies by the past two authoritative regimes on the Tunisian society, through an analysis of Tunisian women's associations, which existed during the repressive regimes, and those that emerged since democratization. It will take a retrospective look at the consequences of gender equality advancements made by the State, that monopolized the dialogue, marginalized the existing women's associations and excluded the population from inputting on the project to modernize women's status in society. This thesis will analyze how State Feminism has affected the way the society views gender issues. How have independent women's associations present during authoritative State Feminism policies adapted their advocacy to the new post-Revolution political context? And how new associations are changing the associative playing field. The methodology utilized for field research was face-to-face qualitative semi-directive expert interviews, to allow for a free flow of information. Both women closely and more distantly involved in the Tunisian feminism movement were interviewed in order to establish a wide spectrum of opinions and information on the subject of women's associations prior to and after the Revolution. The research and analysis proved that the monopolization of the feminist debate by the State through State Feminism led to the marginalization of independent women's associations and the exclusion of the population from the decision-making process on women's rights, which were imposed in a top down fashion. Presently this has had adverse effects on old and new women's associations and their relations with women and men in society".
Essay from the year 2022 in the subject Politics - Basics and General, grade: 1,7, University of Frankfurt (Main) (Political Science), course: Revolution und Entwicklung? Transformationen und Geschlecht in den arabischen Revolutionen, language: English, abstract: Tunisian women’s movements are anything but homogenous. Grassroots women’s movements and new forms of feminism have been competing against a top-down feminist project promoted by the state. Hence, tensions between the different understandings of a women’s rights agendas have clashed, making room for new conceptions of Tunisian womanhood, resistance, and empowerment. The dichotomy between “contemporality” and “tradition” might have hindered women’s collective empowerment and the formation of an all-encompassing movement. Nevertheless, Tunisian women are still capable and encouraged to build bridges between the diverse women’s projects and continue to demand tangible gender equality, especially concerning decision-making positions. This diversity in perceptions, as well as the enthusiasm to prove the compatibility between a women’s project seeking gender equality and Islamic tradition, constitute one of the most valuable potentials of Tunisian women’s movements. This might even result promising for the women’s cause in the first place, considering that there is sufficient common ground among the intrinsic principles and objectives of women’s movements around the world. Other women’s movements in the phase of consolidation can thus learn important lessons from the Tunisian example. The following segments will briefly recapitulate some of the most relevant historical milestones of Tunisian history while acknowledging their interconnection with the evolution of Tunisian women’s movements over the decades. Special attention will be drawn to the consolidation of grassroots, state-independent women’s movements in post-revolution Tunisia, and to the necessity of reconciling the heretofore contesting women’s projects. This, with the motivation to understand: what challenges have Tunisian women’s movements faced thus far and what perspectives do they have to build a more consolidated project?
Claims over women's liberation vocalized by Tunisia's first president, Habib Bourguiba began with legal reforms related to family law in 1956. In this book, Amy Aisen Kallander uses this political appropriation of women's rights to look at the importance of women to post-colonial state-building projects in Tunisia and how this relates to other state-feminist projects across the Middle East and during the Cold War. Here we see how the notion of modern womanhood was central to a range of issues from economic development (via family planning) to intellectual life and the growth of Tunisian academia. Looking at political discourse, the women's press, fashion, and ideas about love, the book traces how this concept was reformulated by women through transnational feminist organizing and in the press in ways that proposed alternatives to the dominant constructions of state feminism.
At a time when the situation of women in the Islamic world is of global interest, here is a study that unlocks the mystery of why women's fates vary so greatly from one country to another. Mounira M. Charrad analyzes the distinctive nature of Islamic legal codes by placing them in the larger context of state power in various societies. Charrad argues that many analysts miss what is going on in Islamic societies because they fail to recognize the logic of the kin-based model of social and political life, which she contrasts with the Western class-centered model. In a skillful synthesis, she shows how the logic of Islamic legal codes and kin-based political power affect the position of women. These provide the key to Charrad's empirical puzzle: why, after colonial rule, women in Tunisia gained broad legal rights (even in the absence of a feminist protest movement) while, despite similarities in culture and religion, women remained subordinated in post-independence Morocco and Algeria. Charrad's elegant theory, crisp writing, and solid scholarship make a unique contribution in developing a state-building paradigm to discuss women's rights. This book will interest readers in the fields of sociology, politics, law, women's studies, postcolonial studies, Middle Eastern studies, Middle Eastern history, French history, and Maghrib studies.
Groundbreaking essays by female activists and scholars documenting women’s resistance before, during, and after the Arab Spring Images of women protesting in the Arab Spring, from Tahrir Square to the streets of Tunisia and Syria, have become emblematic of the political upheaval sweeping the Middle East and North Africa. In Women Rising, Rita Stephan and Mounira M. Charrad bring together a provocative group of scholars, activists, artists, and more, highlighting the first-hand experiences of these remarkable women. In this relevant and timely volume, Stephan and Charrad paint a picture of women’s political resistance in sixteen countries before, during, and since the Arab Spring protests first began in 2011. Contributors provide insight into a diverse range of perspectives across the entire movement, focusing on often-marginalized voices, including rural women, housewives, students, and artists. Women Rising offers an on-the-ground understanding of an important twenty-first century movement, telling the story of Arab women’s activism.
At a time when the situation of women in the Islamic world is of global interest, here is a study that unlocks the mystery of why women's fates vary so greatly from one country to another. Mounira M. Charrad analyzes the distinctive nature of Islamic legal codes by placing them in the larger context of state power in various societies. Charrad argues that many analysts miss what is going on in Islamic societies because they fail to recognize the logic of the kin-based model of social and political life, which she contrasts with the Western class-centered model. In a skillful synthesis, she shows how the logic of Islamic legal codes and kin-based political power affect the position of women. These provide the key to Charrad's empirical puzzle: why, after colonial rule, women in Tunisia gained broad legal rights (even in the absence of a feminist protest movement) while, despite similarities in culture and religion, women remained subordinated in post-independence Morocco and Algeria. Charrad's elegant theory, crisp writing, and solid scholarship make a unique contribution in developing a state-building paradigm to discuss women's rights. This book will interest readers in the fields of sociology, politics, law, women's studies, postcolonial studies, Middle Eastern studies, Middle Eastern history, French history, and Maghrib studies.
Tunisian women have received significant attention for their active participation in preserving and extending women’s rights since 2011. However, their activism and latest achievements should be considered not a recent phenomenon but rather part and parcel of a distinctive local history that has included women as agents of change. This book examines Tunisian women’s lived experiences, as individuals and as a group, within a sociohistorical framework that uncovers the enduring feminine footprint over centuries and eventually underpins and defines their most recent fight for gender equality in postrevolutionary Tunisia. The historic and current presentation of Tunisian women’s public and civic engagement distinguishes between different types of women’s objectives in order to examine women’s activism holistically as it evolved in the local context. The Tunisian Women’s Rights Movement will be of interest to students and scholars of Tunisia, North African, and Middle East Studies and gender in the Arab world.
When protests erupted across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in 2011, the general view was that these events would bring forward the regeneration of democracy. They were also meant to represent the Spring of women’s fight for freedom and equality. As time passed, it became clear that the process of social and political changes necessary to tackle female issues would be a long one. The “Thahiris” and their equivalents did not prevail and, in the absence, or weakness, of political institutions, Islamic parties emerged. The urgent issue then became how to reconcile the demands of women with the Islamic character of the new political establishments. This book discusses this issue through the analysis of the socio-political meanings of the constitutional reforms after the 2011 Arab Spring. It is inspired by the testimony of local women from the MENA area, who can be the makers of real social change.
The seventeen essays in Women and Power in the Middle East analyze the social, political, economic, and cultural forces that shape gender systems in the Middle East and North Africa. Published at different times in Middle East Report, the journal of the Middle East Research and Information Project, the essays document empirically the similarities and differences in the gendering of relations of power in twelve countries—Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan, Palestine, Lebanon, Turkey, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Iran. Together they seek to build a framework for understanding broad patterns of gender in the Arab-Islamic world. Challenging questions are addressed throughout. What roles have women played in politics in this region? When and why are women politically mobilized, and which women? Does the nature and impact of their mobilization differ if it is initiated by the state, nationalist movements, revolutionary parties, or spontaneous revolt? And what happens to women when those agents of mobilization win or lose? In investigating these and other issues, the essays take a look at the impact of rapid social change in the Arab-Islamic world. They also analyze Arab disillusionment with the radical nationalisms of the 1950s and 1960s and with leftist ideologies, as well as the rise of political Islamist movements. Indeed the essays present rich new approaches to assessing what political participation has meant for women in this region and how emerging national states there have dealt with organized efforts by women to influence the institutions that govern their lives. Designed for courses in Middle East, women's, and cultural studies, Women and Power in the Middle East offers to both students and scholars an excellent introduction to the study of gender in the Arab-Islamic world.
This book provides a unique investigation into the gender dynamics of the Arab Spring as it unfolded in North Africa. It covers issues such as gender legislation in the post-revolution period, sexual harassment, gender activism, politics and the female body, women and Islamist movements, state feminism, women and political economy, and women’s rights in the context of political transitions. Chapters on Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya and Egypt are written by specialist and activists from those countries. It includes a rare, first hand insight into the gender debates, human rights violations and politics of post Qaddafi Libya, written by a Libyan scholar directly engaged in these developments. An analysis of post-Mubarak gender debates in Egypt is detailed by a gender activist and scholar currently engaged in these debates in favour of gender equitable legislation and human rights in Egypt. Two former Ministers of Women’s Affairs from Tunisia and Algeria, who are also prolific scholars, provide analysis on the situation of women’s rights in the context of Islamism and freedom of artistic expression in Tunisia and Algeria. In addition to these first hand accounts written by North African political and civil society actors, the book provides a comprehensive theoretical background that allows for readers to understand the historical and deeper cultural contexts of gender struggles. The Foreword frames the larger debate about gender equality and democratisation in the North Africa/Middle Eat region and clearly presents the lines of investigation of the chapters. Each chapter contains a clear framing of the subject that will orient, educate, and intelligently inform the general reader about the history, current developments and stakes of women’s struggles that have intensified and shifted since the beginning of the Arab Spring. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of North African Studies.