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This book examines how collective bargaining disputes are resolved among police and essential service employees. In Australia, as in other common law countries, police and other highly essential employees such as fire-fighters and ambulance officers have long had access to a form of binding arbitration to settle collective bargaining disputes. The traditional arbitration-based system in Australia has, however, been replaced in recent decades with a marked-based collective bargaining system. The current (Fair Work) system restricts access to arbitration, favouring collective bargaining based on the parties’ prerogative to make their own agreements, and supported by a limited right to industrial action — including strikes — during bargaining. Yet, police officers, particularly, are subject to considerable restraints on any entitlement to participate in industrial action. The problem is that with limited access to arbitration, and an especially limited right to industrial action, intractable disputes may continue indefinitely, without any impasse-breaking process to prevent the flow-on harms of long-running police disputes. This raises the essential question underpinning this study: what form of dispute resolution system is appropriate to protect both the legitimate industrial interests of police officers, and the community’s interest in the uninterrupted provision of essential policing services? The author in his extensive field-work research and his study of international case studies has developed a useful model for mandatory interest arbitration among police and other essential services personnel. The lessons and recommendations in the book offer insights for essential services labour law in Australia and overseas.
The Greek philosopher, Socrates, posed a guardian model that would protect his Athenian world, the custodes (watchmen), yet mused who would guard them but themselves. In The Republic, Plato spoke favorably about the guardians of the republic; they should be trusted to behave and perform their duties appropriately without oversight. Half a millennium later, the Roman satirist, Juvenal, proposed that men who feared their wives’ infidelity could neither trust them nor the guardians who guarded them. Similarly, James Madison opposed oppression through blind trust and, thus, conceptualized Madisonian Democracy. Quis custodiet ipsos custodies? Who will guard the guardians? In an era of conflict with America’s police and the communities they serve, today’s publicly expressed attitudes toward law enforcement often reflect Socrates’ dilemma and the concerns of Juvenal more than that of Plato’s tributes. Contemporary debates concerning the increase in violent crime and the need for fundamental changes to American policing reached a new intensity and stalemate with the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis in May 2020. Police officers shot and killed 999 people in 2019 and 1021 people in 2020 in the United States. 2020 was also one of the deadliest years for law enforcement, with 264 officers killed, the highest since 1974. In the first six months of 2021, 523 civilians were shot and killed by officers. Numerous active and former police officers face criminal charges for the January 6 United States Capitol Attack in Washington, DC, in 2021. Many current and former employees of the U.S. Border Patrol were discovered to be members of a Facebook group that posted racist and anti-immigration content. Sixty current members were found to have committed misconduct by posting “explicit and violent messages” mocking migrants and threatening lawmakers on the site. Communities are now hiring civilians to high positions in the police department’s command staff, justifying the need to improve deteriorating community relations. For the first time in its 27 years of measuring confidence in the police in the United States, Gallup found that most American adults do not trust law enforcement. This book investigates and exposes the complex challenges facing law enforcement leaders and government officials with police reform, policies and standards, police accreditation, and police legitimacy in the eyes of the community. Through informative and educational discussions with law enforcement leaders from various agencies, professional police organizations, and academic researchers, the book qualitatively evaluates individual autonomy, organizational culture, and political environments, which influence strategic decisions made on policy and reform efforts by law enforcement officials in the United States within the milieu of national police accreditation.

SNI

National Criminal Justice Reference Service (U.S.)

Published: 1980

Total Pages: 770


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This is the first volume of a four-volume encyclopaedia which combines public administration and policy and contains approximately 900 articles by over 300 specialists. This Volume covers entries from A to C. It covers all of the core concepts, terms and processes of applied behavioural science, budgeting, comparative public administration, develo
Interest group scholarship has so far focused mainly on national politics and has had very little to say about interest groups in American cities, counties, school districts, and special districts. This special issue is a step toward remedying that: it is a collection of articles and essays that examine some of the interest groups that are commonly active in US local politics. The contributions herein discuss real estate developers, tenant organizations, teachers' unions, police unions, and local PACs—covering topics such as how they are organized, how they engage in local politics, some of the constraints on their influence, and the nuanced ways in which ideology and identities can sometimes shape what coalitions are possible in the local context. By bringing this work together in one place, in a journal devoted to research on interest groups, the hope is that this special issue will help to cement “interest groups in local politics” as the recognizable research focus it deserves to be.
What role can and should police unions and rank-and-file officers play in driving and shaping police reform? Police unions and their members are often viewed as obstructionist and conservative, not as change agents. But reform efforts are much more likely to succeed when they are supported by the rank-and-file, and line officers have knowledge, skills and insights that can be invaluable in promoting reform. Efforts to involve police unions and rank-and-file officers in police reform are less common than they should be, but they are increasing, and there is a good deal to learn about policing, police reform and participatory management from the efforts made to date. In this pioneering volume, an international, cross-disciplinary collection of scholars and police unionists address a range of neglected questions, both empirical and theoretical, about the place of police officers themselves in the process of reform – what it has been, and what it could be. They provide a fresh view of police reform as occurring from the bottom up rather than the top down. This book will be highly useful for practitioners and scholars who have a serious interest in the possibilities and limits of police organizational change. This book is based on special issues of Police Practice and Research and Policing and Society.