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Civics courses are a source of civic skill development, yet not all American students receive civics instruction. This fact sheet reports evidence on the effect of civic education on the civic skill levels of young people. It uses "average treatment effects" to report the effects of studying various civics topics on civic skills. Civic skills included in the study are: cognitive skills, communication skills, group discussion skills, and news monitoring skills. Findings indicate that studying civics topics increases the frequency that young people will discuss political topics with parents, peers, and teachers. Additionally, the author finds differing effects on civic skills for subgroups of young people when broken down by race and gender. (Contains 3 graphs and 8 endnotes.) [Research for this fact sheet comes from the author's Ph.D. Dissertation, "Civic Skills and Civic Education: An Empirical Assessment," University of Maryland School of Public Policy, 2005. The fact sheet was produced by the Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning & Engagement (CIRCLE).].
In order for citizens to be capable of fully engaging in civic and political life, they must possess a minimum of civic skills. Civic skills include personal communication skills, knowledge of political systems, and the ability to critically think about civic and political life. Numerous civic skills have been identified theoretically, but only a few have been measured empirically. Recent debate has occurred over whether civics education classes in schools actually increase students' civic skills and civic knowledge. This fact sheet presents recent evidence that is relevant to this debate. In general, young people who report having taken civics or government courses in school also report that they possess more civic skills than students who have not studied civics. This relationship does not prove that classes affect skills. However, it is suggestive evidence, especially in connection with other studies and data sources that indicate positive effects from civics classes. (Contains 2 graphs and 11 endnotes.) [This fact sheet was produced by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE).].
Citizens can improve their communities, the government, and the nation through active civic engagement and collaboration. To do so requires skills. Educational programs and other government-supported initiatives have been shown to enhance Americans' civic skills and their levels of engagement. But these programs and other opportunities are scarce and unequal, often provided to people who are already the most likely to be engaged. A lack of civic learning opportunities not only inhibits Americans' civic participation, but also has harmful consequences for their academic and economic progress. Skill gaps in Organizing Activities by Demographic Groups (Source: ANES 2008-2009) are appended. (Contains 1 table, 5 figures and 9 notes.).
In a recent report entitled "All Together Now: Collaboration and Innovation for Youth Engagement,": the Commission on Youth Voting & Civic Knowledge concluded that civic education is a shared responsibility of schools and other institutions. Data suggests, however, that more work is required to provide all young people with the knowledge, skills and dispositions they need to participate fully in the civic life of their communities. When looking for ways to improve civic education in public K-12 schools state policy makers typically consider two main interventions: new courses or new tests. CIRCLE's analysis of data collected in 2012 suggests that, in general, the testing and course mandates in force at that time did not affect what students had studied or learned. However, tests and courses can be designed in many ways, and three states, Florida, Hawaii, and Tennessee have recently undertaken novel approaches that have promise: (1) High Stakes Standardized Testing; (2) An "Action Civics" Course Mandate without Assessment; and (3) An Alternative Assessment. This study looks at the rationales and perceived advantages and drawbacks of each strategy with special attention to the challenges that confront the agencies and districts charged with implementing them. The goal is to inform other states' policymakers and advocates as they consider alternative strategies for strengthening civics. This report also serves as an introduction to a companion document, which describes how and why the legislation passed in each state based on the perspectives and experiences of individuals involved in passing and implementing these initiatives. This report provides an overview and basic information about each policy. [To access the working paper entitled "Civic Education Policy Change: Case Studies of Florida, Tennessee, and Hawaii. CIRCLE Working Paper #79," see ED574388.].
While teaching at an all-Black middle school in Atlanta, Meira Levinson realized that students’ individual self-improvement would not necessarily enable them to overcome their profound marginalization within American society. This is because of a civic empowerment gap that is as shameful and antidemocratic as the academic achievement gap targeted by No Child Left Behind. No Citizen Left Behind argues that students must be taught how to upend and reshape power relationships directly, through political and civic action. Drawing on political theory, empirical research, and her own on-the-ground experience, Levinson shows how de facto segregated urban schools can and must be at the center of this struggle. Recovering the civic purposes of public schools will take more than tweaking the curriculum. Levinson calls on schools to remake civic education. Schools should teach collective action, openly discuss the racialized dimensions of citizenship, and provoke students by engaging their passions against contemporary injustices. Students must also have frequent opportunities to take civic and political action, including within the school itself. To build a truly egalitarian society, we must reject myths of civic sameness and empower all young people to raise their diverse voices. Levinson’s account challenges not just educators but all who care about justice, diversity, or democracy.
Sound democratic decisions rely on a citizenry with at least a partial mastery of the rules and workings of democratic government. American high schools, where students learn the basics of citizenship, thus ought to play a critical role in the success of democracy. Yet studies examining the impact of high school government and civics courses on political knowledge over the past quarter-century have generally shown that these courses have little or no effect. In this important book, Richard G. Niemi and Jane Junn take a fresh look at what America's high school seniors know about government and politics and how they learn it. The authors argue convincingly that secondary school civics courses do indeed enhance students' civic knowledge. This book is based on the most extensive assessment to date of civic knowledge among American youth--the 1988 National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP) Civics Assessment. The authors develop and test a theoretical model to explain the cognitive process by which students learn about politics and they conclude by suggesting specific changes in the style and emphasis of civics teaching.
The Federal government supports programs designed to encourage civic participation and increase civic knowledge. This fact sheet summarizes current federal legislation intended to mandate or encourage civic education and service programs for young people. In addition, it contains a list of relevant federally funded programs. (Contains 4 endnotes.) [This fact sheet was produced by the Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning & Engagement (CIRCLE).].
The health of American democracy ultimately depends on our willingness and ability to work together as citizens and stakeholders in our republic. Government policies often fail to promote such collaboration. But if designed properly, they can do much to strengthen civic engagement. That is the central message of Carmen Sirianni's eloquent new book. Rather than encourage citizens to engage in civic activity, government often puts obstacles in their way. Many agencies treat citizens as passive clients rather than as community members, overlooking their ability to mobilize assets and networks to solve problems. Many citizen initiatives run up against rigid rules and bureaucratic silos, causing all but the most dedicated activists to lose heart. The unfortunate—and unnecessary—result is a palpable decline in the quality of civic life. Fortunately, growing numbers of policymakers across the country are figuring out how government can serve as a partner and catalyst for collaborative problem solving. Investing in Democracy details three such success stories: neighborhood planning in Seattle; youth civic engagement programs in Hampton, Virginia; and efforts to develop civic environmentalism at the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. The book explains what measures were taken and why they succeeded. It distills eight core design principles that characterize effective collaborative governance and concludes with concrete recommendations for federal policy.
We need young people to be civically engaged in order to define and address public problems. Their participation is important for democracy, for institutions such as schools, and for young people themselves, who are more likely to succeed in life if they are engaged in their communities. In The Future of Democracy, Peter Levine, scholar and practitioner, sounds the alarm: in recent years, young Americans have become dangerously less engaged. They are tolerant, patriotic, and idealistic, and some have invented such novel and impressive forms of civic engagement, as blogs, "buycott" movements, and transnational youth networks. But most lack the skills and opportunities they need to participate in politics or address public problems. Levine's timely manifesto clearly explains the causes, symptoms, and repercussions of this damaging trend, and, most importantly, the means whereby America can confront and reverse it. Levine demonstrates how to change young people's civic attitudes, skills, and knowledge and, equally importantly, to reform our institutions so that civic engagement is rewarding and effective. We must both prepare citizens for politics and improve politics for citizens.
The power of civic educ. (CE) to elicit positive student outcomes has been documented. However, the field is only now beginning to understand the causal processes that bring about these positive changes in young people. ¿The Civic Mission of Schools¿ lays out 6 ¿promising approaches¿ to CE which emphasize the need for instruction that is relevant to young people, provides opportunities for practice, and moves beyond rote learning praxis. These approaches to CE yield positive, lasting outcomes in students. The goal of this project is to examine the association between activities regularly used in CE courses (e.g., staging a mock election) and their impact on key student outcomes. This will provide evidence supporting best practices in CE. Illus.