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A study of "economic imperialism" based on a theoretical inquiry into the most important research frontier in the scholarly field: the analysis of constitutions. The book evaluates constitutional arrangements by the degree to which they economize on the scarcity of resources available in any society, demonstrating a preference for constitutions that make governments efficient.
This classic study — one of the most influential in the area of American economic history — questioned the founding fathers' motivations and prompted new perceptions of the supreme law of the land.
In his piercing introduction to An Economic Interpretation the author wrote that 'whoever leaves economic pressures out of history or out of discussion of public questions is in mortal peril of substituting mythology for reality.' It was Beard's view that the founding fathers, especially Madison, Jay, and Hamilton, never made such a miscalculation. Indeed, these statesmen placed themselves among the great practitioners of all ages and gave instructions to succeeding generations in the art of government by their vigorous deployment of classical political economy.In this new printing of a major classic in American historiography, Louis Filler provides a sense of the person behind the book, the background that enabled Beard to move well beyond the shibboleths of the second decade of the twentieth century. While the controversies over Beard's book have quieted, the issues which it raised have hardly abated. Indeed, one can say that just about every major work in the politics and economics of the American nation must contend with Beard's classic work. Beard's work rests on an examination of primary documents: land and slave owners, geographic distribution of money, ownership of public securities, the specific condition of those who were disenfranchised as well as those who were in charge of the nascent American economy.The great merit of Beard's work is that despite its incendiary potential, he himself viewed An Economic Interpretation in coldly analytical terms, seeing such a position as giving comfort to neither revolutionaries nor reactionaries. Attacked by Marxists for being too mechanical, and by conservatives as being blind to the moral purposes of the framers of the constitution, the work continues to exercise a tremendous influence on all concerned. The fact that Beard wrote with a scalpel-like precision that gripped the attention of those in power no less than the common man is, it should be added, no small element in the enduring forces of this work.
This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1921 edition. Excerpt: ... CHAPTER V THE ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF THE MEMBERS OF THE CONVENTION Having shown that four groups of property rights were adversely affected by the government under the Articles of Confederation, and that economic motives were behind the movement for a reconstruction of the system, it is now necessary to inquire whether the members of the Convention which drafted the Constitution represented in their own property affiliations any or all of these groups. In other words, did the men who formulated the fundamental law of the land possess the kinds of property which were immediately and directly increased in value or made more secure by the results of their labors at Philadelphia? Did they have money at interest? Did they own public securities? Did they hold western lands for appreciation? Were they interested in shipping and manufactures? The purpose of such an inquiry is not, of course, to show that the Constitution was made for the personal benefit of the members of the Convention. Far from it. Neither is it of any moment to discover how many hundred thousand dollars accrued to them as a result of the foundation of the new government. The only point here considered is: Did they represent distinct groups whose economic interests they understood and felt in concrete, definite form through their own personal experience with identical property rights, or were they working merely under the guidance of abstract principles of political science? Unfortunately, the materials for such a study are very scanty, because the average biographer usually considers as negligible the processes by which his hero gained his livelihood. The pages which follow are, therefore, more an evidence of what ought to be done than a record of results actually...
In this seminal work, Bernard Siegan traces the history of onstitutional protection for economic liberties in the United States. He argues that the law began to change with respect to economic liberties in the late 1930s. At that time, the Supreme Court abdicated much of its authority to protect property rights, and instead condoned the expansion of state power over private property. Siegan brings the argument originally advanced in the .first edition completely up to date. He explores the moral position behind capitalism and discusses why former communist countries flirting with decentralization and a free market (for instance, China, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos) have become more progressive and prosperous as a result. He contrasts the benefits of a free, deregulated economy with the dangers of over-regulation and moves towards socialized welfare—most specifically as happened during Franklin Roosevelt's presidency. Supporting his thesis with historical court cases, Siegan discusses the past and present status of economic liberties under the Constitution, clarifies constitutional interpretation and due process, and suggests ways of safeguarding economic liberties. About the original edition, Doug Bandow of Reason noted, "Siegan has written a vitally important book that is sure to ignite an impassioned legal and philosophical debate. The reason—the necessity—for protecting economic liberty is no less than that guaranteeing political and civil liberty." Joseph Sobran of the National Review wrote, "Siegan...makes a powerful general case for economic liberty, on both historical and more strictly empirical grounds.... Siegan has done a brilliant piece of work, not only where it was badly needed, but where the need had hardly been recognized until he addressed it." And Edwin Meese remarked that, "This timely and important book shows how far we have drifted from protecting basic liberties that the Framers of the Constitution sought to secure. I recommend it highly." This new, completely revised edition of Economic Liberties and the Constitution will be essential reading for students of economics, history, public policy, law, and political science.
Classic Books Library presents this brand new edition of “The Federalist Papers”, a collection of separate essays and articles compiled in 1788 by Alexander Hamilton. Following the United States Declaration of Independence in 1776, the governing doctrines and policies of the States lacked cohesion. “The Federalist”, as it was previously known, was constructed by American statesman Alexander Hamilton, and was intended to catalyse the ratification of the United States Constitution. Hamilton recruited fellow statesmen James Madison Jr., and John Jay to write papers for the compendium, and the three are known as some of the Founding Fathers of the United States. Alexander Hamilton (c. 1755–1804) was an American lawyer, journalist and highly influential government official. He also served as a Senior Officer in the Army between 1799-1800 and founded the Federalist Party, the system that governed the nation’s finances. His contributions to the Constitution and leadership made a significant and lasting impact on the early development of the nation of the United States.
What is the nature and role of competition in markets and politics?This book examines the institutional dimension of markets and the rules and institutions that condition the operation of market economies. Particular attention is paid to the the role of the state, specifically the role of governments in shaping and maintaining the economic constitu
An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States In this superb text, Charles Austin Beard meticulously and comprehensively analyses and explains the economic underpinnings of the United States Constitution. Examining the conditions which prevailed for all residents of the thirteen colonies in the late 18th century, Beard explains - among other things - the significant reservations and outright opposition to the Constitution many Americans felt at the time. Their concerns ranged from how the individual articles and provisions of the document may impact and even endanger livelihoods, to the precise wording behind each separate article. Together with his consideration of the economic activity and trade at the era, Beard considers the views of the Founding Fathers, many of whom had commented on aspects of the incipient Constitution. The ratification of the Constitution throughout the colonies, and the various obstacles which had to be overcome - in particular within the state of New York - are detailed. Popular votes were held in several of the states, the tallies of which are also included and broken down into separate voter blocs. This edition contains all the original tables and charts with no abridgement made to the text. Whether you are a general reader interested in the history of the U.S. Constitution, or a student or scholar of economics or law curious about the worldly context in which this historic document was written and implemented, Charles Austin Beard's valuable analysis is worthy of reading. History of the United States This superb history of the USA by Charles Austin Beard and his wife Mary Ritter Beard sequentially covers the nation's history from colonial times to World War I. First published in 1921, the book was lauded by critics as a perfect example of an introductory history to the United States of America. Well-researched at every juncture, the central thesis of this text is that economic power is what shapes the destiny and path of history. The book supports this hypothesis by referencing the emphasis on trade and commerce which accompanied the USA's rise. The authors also acknowledge the role personal ideologies and convictions have in history; an example of this being the Founding Fathers leading the revolt against Britain's colonial rule, essentially risking their lives and fortunes on a single, great gambit. Concurrent with the economic rise and territorial expansion which underscores the United States progress from colonial grouping to world power, the case for the gain of civil rights in areas which had previously not experienced them is put. At the time of writing, democracy had been broadly embraced, or at least tolerated, by all states in the continental USA as well as the colonial territories it had acquired overseas. The tone of the book is frank and straightforward, with a succession of points stated with clarity. The voices of the authors are seldom impinged by excursions into dry facts, over-explanation or tangential discussions. The sources drawn from are broad but authoritative, although certain opinions - namely that it was economics rather than the burning issue of slavery that was pivotal in causing the American Civil War - have fallen out of favor. This edition includes the original tables, appendices and notes found in the 1921 edition, letting the reader comprehend what is an accessible, high quality text which may be read either from start to finish or retained as a reference guide.