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The Dynamics of Right-Wing Extremism within German Society explores the prevalence of right-wing extremist attitudes in Germany. The book provides a thorough psychosocial and sociological theory of general authoritarian dynamics to explain broader societal attitudes, particularly focusing on right-wing extremism. It provides a uniquely long-term perspective on the different dimensions of right-wing extremism—the affinity for dictatorial forms of government, chauvinist attitudes, the trivialisation or justification of National Socialism, anti-Semitism, xenophobia, and social Darwinism. The first chapter delineates the theoretical framework of authoritarian dynamics, while subsequent chapters provide an in-depth analysis of empirical findings and distinguish authoritarian and democratic typologies. The authors focus on recognition of authoritarian statehood and anti-Semitism; the relationship between religion and right-wing extremism; and support for the radical-right populist party, Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). The innovative theoretical approach of this book scrutinizes the theory of authoritarianism in the contemporary world. This book provides unique empirical data and will be of interest to scholars of German politics, anti-democratic attitudes and prejudices, sociology, political science, and social psychology. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.
Over the past decade, immigration and globalization have significantly altered Europe’s cultural and ethnic landscape, foregrounding questions of national belonging. In Blood and Culture, Cynthia Miller-Idriss provides a rich ethnographic analysis of how patterns of national identity are constructed and transformed across generations. Drawing on research she conducted at German vocational schools between 1999 and 2004, Miller-Idriss examines how the working-class students and their middle-class, college-educated teachers wrestle with their different views about citizenship and national pride. The cultural and demographic trends in Germany are broadly indicative of those underway throughout Europe, yet the country’s role in the Second World War and the Holocaust makes national identity, and particularly national pride, a difficult issue for Germans. Because the vocational-school teachers are mostly members of a generation that came of age in the 1960s and 1970s and hold their parents’ generation responsible for National Socialism, many see national pride as symptomatic of fascist thinking. Their students, on the other hand, want to take pride in being German. Miller-Idriss describes a new understanding of national belonging emerging among young Germans—one in which cultural assimilation takes precedence over blood or ethnic heritage. Moreover, she argues that teachers’ well-intentioned, state-sanctioned efforts to counter nationalist pride often create a backlash, making radical right-wing groups more appealing to their students. Miller-Idriss argues that the state’s efforts to shape national identity are always tempered and potentially transformed as each generation reacts to the official conception of what the nation “ought” to be.
"This book comes at a time that could hardly be more important. Miller-Idriss opens up a completely new approach to understanding the processes of violent radicalization through subcultural products...(and) will surely become a standard work in the study of right-wing extremism."--Daniel Koehler, founder and director of the German Institute on Radicalization and De-Radicalization Studies.dies.
This book provides the first systematic and comparative analysis of the German right-wing populist protest movement “PEGIDA”. It offers an in-depth reconstruction of the movement’s historical development, its organisational structure and its programmatic orientation. It depicts the protestors and their motivations, reactions in politics, media and society, and PEGIDA’s European network. The volume presents and compares the results of scientific surveys among PEGIDA-participants and brings them into the context of long-time studies on political culture in Germany, representing a comprehensive study of the emergence of contemporary right-wing populist movements. The book will be of interest to researchers, academics and students focusing on comparative politics, (right-wing) populism, protest movements in western democracies, and political culture in Germany, as well as journalists, political educators and policy makers.
first comprehensive guide to the theory and practice of de-radicalization offers a coherent typology and methodology regarding the effects and concepts of de-radicalization programs will be of much interest to students of deradicalisation, counter-terrorism, criminology, radical Islam, security studies and IR
Memory in Hungarian Fascism: A Cultural History argues that fascist memory had a key role in the historical formation and later return of fascism. Tracing the trajectory of a perennial figure of fascist memory, the cult of Eszter Sólymosi, from interwar Hungary through the Cold War West to contemporary Hungary, the book covers a century of fascism and offers a unique combination of fascism studies and memory studies. How did fascists challenge liberal memory after the First World War? How did the memory culture they created come to frame and feed the Second World War and the genocide? In what ways did fascist memory transform as they navigated the challenges of exile in a profoundly changed political landscape and tried to counter the postwar order? And what role did their legacy, carefully crafted for a post-Communist future, play as later neo-fascists rejected democratic transformation? Eventually, as fascist memory traveled across time and space, the book argues, it contributed to the political challenges that we face today. Based on a variety of unpublished sources, the book offers new insights for students of memory, Holocaust, fascism, and antisemitism studies, Jewish studies, Central and Eastern European history, and Hungarian studies.
Male Supremacism in the United States is a timely editorial collection providing analysis of current patriarchal, misogynistic, and antifeminist threats in the United States, The book theorizes how male supremacism—the system that disproportionately privileges cis men and subordinates women, trans men, and nonbinary people—and its accompanying ideology of male superiority undergird many of the most crucial phenomena of our time. The book examines how male supremacism manifests in three ways: as patriarchal traditionalism, as secular male supremacism, and in its intersections with other systems of oppression. From anti-abortion activism to misogynist incels to the Proud Boys, the collection illustrates how male supremacism plays a vital role in right-wing recruitment and organizing. The volume’s contributions illuminate unique aspects of male supremacist ideology, practice, and culture. Together, they provide a sweeping overview of the development and deployment of male supremacism in the United States. This book will be of value to anyone studying or researching male supremacism, gender, feminism, women’s studies, hate studies, and the far right.
Canadian Multiculturalism and the Far Right examines a neglected aspect of the history of 20th century Canadian multiculturalism and the far right to illuminate the ideological foundations of the concept of ‘third force’. Focusing on the particular thought of ultra-conservative Ukrainian Canadian Walter J. Bossy during his time in Montreal (1931–1970s), this book demonstrates that the idea that Canada was composed of three equally important groups emerged from a context defined by reactionary ideas on ethnic diversity and integration. Two broad questions shape this research: first, what the meaning originally attached to the idea of a ‘third force’ was, and what the intentions behind the conceptualization of a trichotomic Canada were; and second, whether Bossy’s understanding of the ‘third force’ precedes, or is related in any way to, postwar debates on liberal multiculturalism at the core of which was the existence of a ‘third force’. This book will be of interest to students and researchers of multiculturalism, radical-right ideology and the far right, and Canadian history and politics.
Aspects of political culture, i.e. concerns with the 'subjective' dimension of politics including dominant political orientations, perceptions and interpretations, always have been particularly relevant with regard to the case of Germany and its great variety of political regimes during the last century. This is true both with regard to political science and practical politics. This volume provides a comprehensive overview concerning the major historical legacies, regional and sub-cultural variations, and current problems of democratic orientations, national identity and relationships to the outside world.
St. Paul, the apostle to the gentiles, has bequeathed guidelines for both personal and political behavior to individual citizens and to states that have retained their relevance to humanity to this day. However, his statement in Romans 13 that “the powers-that-be are ordained of God” has been interpreted in conflicting ways, especially since the time of Martin Luther in sixteenth-century Germany. Luther’s occasional insistence that the ruler had to be obeyed unquestionably led to a political culture in Prusso-Germany that was systematized by the philosopher G. W. F. Hegel (1770–1831). His teachings gave rise to the disastrous ultra-authoritarian regimes of both Marxist-Leninism (left-wing Hegelianism) and National Socialism (right-wing Hegelianism). The author of this book, being equipped with a long training in Prusso-German history, has explained how this happened and why both Imperial Germany and the Nazi Third Reich unleashed expansionist wars and justified them with ideologies that were both hostile to Western European and transatlantic democratic, parliamentary values. The author’s familiarity with the contemporary history of both the liberal-parliamentary West Germany and the authoritarian communist East Germany has enabled him to portray the internecine German debate that was largely influenced by the remarkable ministry of the martyred Lutheran pastor Dietrich Bonhoeffer.