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The study explores the plausibility of the democratic peace as an approach to world peace in the information era by analysing causality and deductive structures associated with the variables world peace, democracy and information technology as found in text. It also pursues a normative objective, namely to propose ways in which information technology can be employed to further democracy and world peace. The advent of the information era challenges scholars of International Relations to evaluate theories and concepts of International Relations within the framework of information technology. Traditionally placed within the realm of liberal internationalism, the democratic peace contends that democracies are unlikely to wage war with one another because they perceive one another to be constrained by norms and institutions unique to their democratic nature. The spread of democracy will thus enhance world peace. Information technology contributes to the spread and institutionalisation of democratic norms by providing access to abundant information through channels difficult to bring under government control, facilitating the mobilisation and organisation of pro-democracy movements and creating unprecedented opportunities for civil participation in the political process. Through deductive reasoning it can therefore be argued that the democratic peace and thus world peace, are likely to be enhanced in the information era. This conclusion is based on a neo-liberal definition of world peace, that is, the absence of lethal violence between states amounting to battle fatalities of at least I 000. In the information era, such a definition is too limited to underlie a comprehensive approach to peace. Most wars are no longer fought between states or at the state level. They are protracted, deeply structural conflicts that involve a mix of state and non-state actors, private interests, professional armies or mercenaries and ethnic or religious factions. World peace is thus better defined along human security as opposed to national security lines, namely to remove the institutional obstacles and promote the structural conditions that will facilitate the growth of socio-cultural, economic and political trends to achieve conditions congruent with peace values such as security, non-violence, identity, equity and well-being. It is possible to expand the democratic peace approach theoretically to achieve world peace thus defined, by drawing on the Kantian origins of democratic peace theory. Kant emphasised that individuals are citizens of a universal state of mankind governed by universal morality. Such a cosmopolitan interpretation of the democratic peace grasps the interconnectedness and interdependencies of the information era, going beyond the state level and state actors. The approach is plausible because information technology enables global civil society through the help of the global media, to promote and institutionalise democratic norms such as security, freedom, justice and community. Civil society movements expose information about the often hidden interests or structural factors characteristic of wars. By mobilising public opinion and putting pressure on governments, international organisations and the private sector to act in ways congruent with democratic values, they promote global democracy and globalise the democratic peace. The plausibility of this approach to world peace is conditioned on the extent to which Internet governance and civil society are democratised, the digital divide bridged and the global media oriented towards promoting peace.
Very Short Introductions: Brilliant, Sharp, Inspiring The concept of peace has always attracted radical thought, action, and practices. It has been taken to mean merely an absence of overt violence or war, but in the contemporary era it is often used interchangeably with 'peacemaking', 'peacebuilding', 'conflict resolution', and 'statebuilding'. The modern concept of peace has therefore broadened from the mere absence of violence to something much more complicated. In this Very Short Introduction, Oliver Richmond explores the evolution of peace in practice and in theory, exploring our modern assumptions about peace and the various different interpretations of its applications. This second edition has been theoretically and empirically updated and introduces a new framework to understand the overall evolution of the international peace architecture. ABOUT THE SERIES: The Very Short Introductions series from Oxford University Press contains hundreds of titles in almost every subject area. These pocket-sized books are the perfect way to get ahead in a new subject quickly. Our expert authors combine facts, analysis, perspective, new ideas, and enthusiasm to make interesting and challenging topics highly readable.
This reference book analyzes more than a thousand wars waged from 1816 to 2007. It lists and categorizes all violent conflicts with 1,000 or more battle deaths and provides an insightful narrative for each struggle. It describes each encounter and highlights major patterns across eras and regions, identifying which categories of war are becoming more or less prevalent over time, and revealing the connections between the different types of war.
(A) For the most part, World Peace has been a subject matter of G7 Countries and, typically the United Nation has been the key negotiator in resolving international conflicts The “New Approach to World Peace” identifies the two hurdles, that human beings have, to overcome to attain global peace so that every person can enjoy and move freely on this Earth. The first hurdle, is purely political, that is far too many people live in countries where citizens are not allowed to think free because, governments are too authoritarian, as in China, or like in Russia where Democracy has been high jacked or because of the flawed constitution as in India. The second hurdle is that, societies are so bound by their religion that free-thinking or human development is NOT easy. In both cases, citizens have limitations in contributing towards World Peace. The Elements of World Peace that is, Republicanism and Neosecularism explained in this book, answers both these issues. The book also elaborates on how and why we should, launch a campaign for World Peace. (B) Elements of World Peace -Constitutional Doctrine of Separation of Powers. -People are Free, the Government have restrictions. The government must make laws by representation only. - Citizens have powers to change the Government when representation fails. -Constitution must guarantee human rights including minority rights. -Supranational Body gives additional power to citizens of Member States to protect individual rights. -Society practices Secularism
(A) For the most part, World Peace has been a subject matter of G7 Countries and, typically the United Nation has been the key negotiator in resolving international conflicts The “New Approach to World Peace” identifies the two hurdles, that human beings have, to overcome to attain global peace so that every person can enjoy and move freely on this Earth. The first hurdle, is purely political, that is far too many people live in countries where citizens are not allowed to think free because, governments are too authoritarian, as in China, or like in Russia where Democracy has been high jacked or because of the flawed constitution as in India. The second hurdle is that, societies are so bound by their religion that free-thinking or human development is NOT easy. In both cases, citizens have limitations in contributing towards World Peace. The Elements of World Peace that is, Republicanism and Neosecularism explained in this book, answers both these issues. The book also elaborates on how and why we should, launch a campaign for World Peace. (B) Elements of World Peace -Constitutional Doctrine of Separation of Powers. -People are Free, the Government have restrictions. The government must make laws by representation only. - Citizens have powers to change the Government when representation fails. -Constitution must guarantee human rights including minority rights. -Supranational Body gives additional power to citizens of Member States to protect individual rights. -Society practices Secularism
Violent conflicts today are complex and increasingly protracted, involving more nonstate groups and regional and international actors. It is estimated that by 2030—the horizon set by the international community for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals—more than half of the world’s poor will be living in countries affected by high levels of violence. Information and communication technology, population movements, and climate change are also creating shared risks that must be managed at both national and international levels. Pathways for Peace is a joint United Nations†“World Bank Group study that originates from the conviction that the international community’s attention must urgently be refocused on prevention. A scaled-up system for preventive action would save between US$5 billion and US$70 billion per year, which could be reinvested in reducing poverty and improving the well-being of populations. The study aims to improve the way in which domestic development processes interact with security, diplomacy, mediation, and other efforts to prevent conflicts from becoming violent. It stresses the importance of grievances related to exclusion—from access to power, natural resources, security and justice, for example—that are at the root of many violent conflicts today. Based on a review of cases in which prevention has been successful, the study makes recommendations for countries facing emerging risks of violent conflict as well as for the international community. Development policies and programs must be a core part of preventive efforts; when risks are high or building up, inclusive solutions through dialogue, adapted macroeconomic policies, institutional reform, and redistributive policies are required. Inclusion is key, and preventive action needs to adopt a more people-centered approach that includes mainstreaming citizen engagement. Enhancing the participation of women and youth in decision making is fundamental to sustaining peace, as well as long-term policies to address the aspirations of women and young people.
An evidence-based analysis of governance focusing on the institutional capacities and qualities that reduce the risk of armed conflict.
In The Rise and Fall of Peace on Earth, Michael Mandelbaum examines the peaceful quarter century after the end of the Cold War. He describes how the period came about and why it ended, arguing that individual countries overturned peaceful, political, and military arrangements in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East, thereby affecting the rest of the world. He also probes prospects for the revival of peace in the future and stresses the importance of democracy and civil liberties across borders.
This lively survey of the history of conflict between democracies reveals a remarkable--and tremendously important--finding: fully democratic nations have never made war on other democracies. Furthermore, historian Spencer R. Weart concludes in this thought-provoking book, they probably never will. Building his argument on some forty case studies ranging through history from ancient Athens to Renaissance Italy to modern America, the author analyzes for the first time every instance in which democracies or regimes like democracies have confronted each other with military force. Weart establishes a consistent set of definitions of democracy and other key terms, then draws on an array of international sources to demonstrate the absence of war among states of a particular democratic type. His survey also reveals the new and unexpected finding of a still broader zone of peace among oligarchic republics, even though there are more of such minority-controlled governments than democracies in history. In addition, Weart discovers that peaceful leagues and confederations--the converse of war--endure only when member states are democracies or oligarchies. With the help of related findings in political science, anthropology, and social psychology, the author explores how the political culture of democratic leaders prevents them from warring against others who are recognized as fellow democrats and how certain beliefs and behaviors lead to peace or war. Weart identifies danger points for democracies, and he offers crucial, practical information to help safeguard peace in the future.
This book explores the question of the extent to which Democratic Peace can provide a solution for conflict and constitute a guide to peaceful co-existence and dispute settlement in today's world and whether a concert of powers or security communities pose alternatives. The significance of international organizations and gender equality are also discussed within this context.