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This international bestseller plumbs recently opened archives in the former Soviet bloc to reveal the accomplishments of communism around the world. The book is the first attempt to catalogue and analyse the crimes of communism over 70 years.
In the triumphant resurgence of capitalism, the one thinker who is vindicated is Karl Marx.
In 1776, the colonists declared Independence from England in large part due to the many onerous Acts thrust upon them by Parliament including the Stamp Act in 1765 the Tea Act in 1773. The combination of these burdensome Acts on the colonies coupled with "Intolerable Acts" that severely limited the colonists Liberties, America rebelled. America won her liberty finally in 1783, only to see American's freedoms put in a permanent state of peril with the successful progressive class warfare argument that resulted in the 16th Amendment in 1913. Politicians and government bureaucrats discovered, is they can manipulate the 71,000+ page tax code to reward their cronies and punish their enemies. The legacy of the IRS is one of scandals, malfeasance, criminality, incompetence and terror - yet Americans, for the most part tolerate it. Why? The history of IRS abuses of common citizens is legendary, and the stories you will read in this book are chilling. Why has the IRS become "weaponized", spending $11 million on guns and ammo in the last 10 years? Surely Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson and Samuel Adams would have never let such an abusive form of government exist in the United States. Why do we?
Socialism and the mindset of the traditional left have outlived their purpose. A new political philosophy is needed in the cause of creating a fair and egalitarian society for the peoples of our planet. This is a startling yet profound book which strikes at the foundations of established politics in the West. The author's conclusions are drawn from two directions: an analysis of the consequences of the transformation of society over the past 60 years in industrialised economies; and personal experiences as an activist, both locally and nationally, after 14 years within the Labour party. It is demonstrated that both the Labour party, and socialism in the wider world, is now counter-productive to its given purpose: i.e. it hinders rather than promotes the progress of the less fortunate people in our midst. The left is hampered by two great faults in its thinking and policy: its idolatrous commitment to collectivism, poisoning its good intentions; and its blind spot to the psychological need for the productive business instinct, described by the author as the missing "gene" of socialism. The author describes his attempts to modernise the Labour party and initiate free discussion, followed by the horrific experience of his public denunciation by an old stalwart "for writing without the authority of the party leadership." This led to his resignation in 2008. Modern men and women are dependent on the promotion of a healthy individualism for personal success - and certainly in maintaining a free society. It is shown how political ideas need to follow in the wake of social and technological progress, and not vice versa. When ideologies outgrow their purpose society regresses. The future calls for a new progressive politics of universal humanity; a repudiation of class conflict which compounds rather than resolves substantive issues; the syncretising of political interests of relevance to all humanity; and a return to the Enlightenment values of a former age. This is a book with a refreshing insight in brushing away the political cobwebs of the past.
The bastard step-child of Milton Friedman and Anthony Bourdain, Socialism Sucks is a bar-crawl through former, current, and wannabe socialist countries around the world. Free market economists Robert Lawson and Benjamin Powell travel to countries like Venezuela, Cuba, Russia, and Sweden to investigate the dangers and idiocies of socialism—while drinking a lot of beer.
Among the first anthropologists to work in Eastern Europe, Katherine Verdery had built up a significant base of ethnographic and historical expertise when the major political transformations in the region began to take place. In this collection of essays dealing with the aftermath of Soviet-style socialism and the different forms that may replace it, she explores the nature of socialism in order to understand more fully its consequences. By analyzing her primary data from Romania and Transylvania and synthesizing information from other sources, Verdery lends a distinctive anthropological perspective to a variety of themes common to political and economic studies on the end of socialism: themes such as "civil society," the creation of market economies, privatization, national and ethnic conflict, and changing gender relations. Under Verdery's examination, privatization and civil society appear not only as social processes, for example, but as symbols in political rhetoric. The classic pyramid scheme is not just a means of enrichment but a site for reconceptualizing the meaning of money and an unusual form of post-Marxist millenarianism. Land being redistributed as private property stretches and shrinks, as in the imaginings of the farmers struggling to tame it. Infused by this kind of ethnographic sensibility, the essays reject the assumption of a transition to capitalism in favor of investigating local processes in their own terms.
In this text, Roemer proposes a new future of socialism based on a redefinition of market socialism. The Achille's heel of socialism has always been maintaining innovation and efficiency in an economy in which income is equally distributed. Roemer points out that large capitalist firms have already solved a similar problem: in those firms, profits are distributed to numerous shareholders, yet they continue to innovate and compete. The author argues for a modified version of socialism, not necessarily based on public ownership, but founded on equality of opportunity and political influence.
The Democratic Party has changed beyond recognition. Once the party of anti-communism and tax-cutting under President Kennedy, it is now dominated by a surging socialist movement and led by a presidential candidate who vows to “transform” America. On a near-daily basis, the Democrats are issuing radical proposals to socialize medicine, industry, and higher education. So how can the Democrats win elections when their agenda is so far to the left of the American people? That’s easy—it’s because the means of public debate are being manipulated. In Countdown to Socialism, Congressman Devin Nunes exposes the nexus between the Democratic Party, the mainstream media, and the social media corporations. These three entities cooperate to blast out the Democrats’ message and downplay their extremism while suppressing and censoring conservative points of view. Tens of millions of Americans are only seeing one side of the debate. The information they get from newspapers and social media is not “news”—it’s contrived content designed to help one political party and punish its opponents. In the run-up to the most consequential election of our lifetime, read this book to learn how your information is being skewed and regulated to force America onto the path to socialism.
This controversial study of socialist literature, the most significant since 1945, considers the forgotten texts of socialism of the 19th and early 20th centuries, and reveals how socialism was often linked to conservative, racist and genocidal ideas.
Socialism is the watchword and the catchword of our day. The socialist idea dominates the modem spirit. The masses approve of it. It expresses the thoughts and feelings of all; it has set its seal upon our time. When history comes to tell our story it will write above the chapter “The Epoch of Socialism.” As yet, it is true, Socialism has not created a society which can be said to represent its ideal. But for more than a generation the policies of civilized nations have been directed towards nothing less than a gradual realization of Socialism.17 In recent years the movement has grown noticeably in vigour and tenacity. Some nations have sought to achieve Socialism, in its fullest sense, at a single stroke. Before our eyes Russian Bolshevism has already accomplished something which, whatever we believe to be its significance, must by the very magnitude of its design be regarded as one of the most remarkable achievements known to world history. Elsewhere no one has yet achieved so much. But with other peoples only the inner contradictions of Socialism itself and the fact that it cannot be completely realized have frustrated socialist triumph. They also have gone as far as they could under the given circumstances. Opposition in principle to Socialism there is none. Today no influential party would dare openly to advocate Private Property in the Means of Production. The word “Capitalism” expresses, for our age, the sum of all evil. Even the opponents of Socialism are dominated by socialist ideas. In seeking to combat Socialism from the standpoint of their special class interest these opponents—the parties which particularly call themselves “bourgeois” or “peasant”—admit indirectly the validity of all the essentials of socialist thought. For if it is only possible to argue against the socialist programme that it endangers the particular interests of one part of humanity, one has really affirmed Socialism. If one complains that the system of economic and social organization which is based on private property in the means of production does not sufficiently consider the interests of the community, that it serves only the purposes of single strata, and that it limits productivity; and if therefore one demands with the supporters of the various “social-political” and “social-reform” movements, state interference in all fields of economic life, then one has fundamentally accepted the principle of the socialist programme. Or again, if one can only argue against socialism that the imperfections of human nature make its realization impossible, or that it is inexpedient under existing economic conditions to proceed at once to socialization, then one merely confesses that one has capitulated to socialist ideas. The nationalist, too, affirms socialism, and objects only to its Internationalism. He wishes to combine Socialism with the ideas of Imperialism and the struggle against foreign nations. He is a national, not an international socialist; but he, also, approves of the essential principles of Socialism.