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The second part of the book series, The Crisis of Bourgeois Ideology, and the Doctrine of the Mode of Thinking, deals with the essential variants of bourgeois ideology since the reorganization of international capitalist production in the 1990s. In view of the growing capitalist crisis chaos and a widespread ideological disorientation, the emphasis in this second part is on the critique of the most important opportunist currents of the present day. Opportunism seeks to dissuade the working-class and people's movements from class struggle and scientific socialism. It exerts a harmful influence on parts of the international revolutionary and working-class movement. Every politically thinking, responsibly acting person must ask themselves today where they stand in regard to the globe-spanning capitalist system. Along with absurd wealth, it produces misery for millions and puts the basis of human life at risk. Does one howl with the wolves then and bury the dream of a liberated society for good, only because socialism had to accept a temporary defeat due to the revisionist betrayal in the Soviet Union or in China? Or does one help the gigantic progress of scientific knowledge and practical achievements in social production to break through against the maelstrom of pragmatism and opportunism, and join in the necessary revolutionary transformation of society?
The third volume of the book series, The Crisis of Bourgeois Ideology, and the Doctrine of the Mode of Thinking, deals with the crisis of bourgeois natural science. Natural scientists generally are held in high esteem in bourgeois society because they are seemingly apolitical, unimpeachable, and committed solely to social progress. With the advance of positivism and pragmatism, however, the natural sciences lost much of their scientificity and have gotten into a crisis. This polemic is intended to revive materialistically based free thinking in the working class. Unless it frees itself from the shackles of idealism and metaphysics, humanity will not be able to utilize the achievements of the modern natural sciences for social progress. Thus, this book is also a must for every scientist with a critical mind. It serves the purpose of helping scientific socialism and its dialectical-materialist method gain new esteem.
Justifiably, more and more people are losing confidence in the dominant politics. But what lessons do the workers and the masses in the world draw from the extensive crises? Bourgeois ideology has lost its power of attraction and is in deep crisis. An ideological struggle over interpretation and conclusions has broken out. Since the open crisis of reformism and modern revisionism, anticommunism has become the main obstacle in the building of the consciousness of the masses. However, anticommunism itself is in crisis, causing it to be constantly modified. This book follows the conviction that the time is ripe for an ideological offensive of scientific socialism. The books, Götterdämmerung Over the "New World Order," Dawn of the International Socialist Revolution, and Catastrophe Alert! What Is to Be Done Against the Willful Destruction of the Unity of Humanity and Nature? contain the analysis of the reorganization of international capitalist production as new phase of imperialism, along with the conclusions for the strategy and tactics of the international socialist revolution. This book has the task to complete this by dealing with the ideological side. It is the first of four volumes of the work, The Crisis of Bourgeois Ideology, and the Doctrine of the Mode of Thinking, which will be published as Nos. 36 to 39 of the Revolutionärer Weg series.
"With the Ukraine war and the acute threat of a Third World War, a new phase of accelerated destabilization of the imperialist world system emerged within the framework of the general crisis of capitalism. It prepares the ground for a revolutionary world crisis. Thus the general crisisridden nature of imperialism takes on a new quality. All major contradictions of the imperialist world system are intensifying by leaps and bounds. ... This new starting situation abruptly changes the task of the revolutionary class struggle." (p. 58)
Several of Lenin's basic theoretical essays on nationalism and the right of nations to self-determination are brought together in this volume. They analyze the national question specifically and historically in Russia, Europe and Ireland and discuss national oppression, colonialism, great power chauvinism and opportunism in the national question. The book underlines the relationship of nationalism to imperialism and shows how the struggle for democracy and national liberation is integrated with the fight for socialism.
Critical Theory originated in the perception by a group of German Marxists after the First World War that the Marxist analysis of capitalism had become deficient both empirically and with regard to its consequences for emancipation, and much of their work has attempted to deepen and extend it in new circumstances. Yet much of this revision has been in the form of piecemeal modification. In his latest work, Habermas has returned to the study of capitalism, incorporating the distinctive modifications of the Frankfurt School into the foundations of the critique of capitalism. Drawing on both systems theory and phenomenological sociology as well as Marxism, the author distinguishes four levels of capitalist crisis - economic, rationality, legitimation, and motivational crises. In his analysis, all the Frankfurt focus on cultural, personality, and authority structures finds its place, but in a systematic framework. At the same time, in his sketch of communicative ethics as the highest stage in the internal logic of the evolution of ethical systems, the author hints at the source of a new political practice that incorporates the imperatives of evolutionary rationality.
A major essay on the thought of the great Italian Marxist Perry Anderson’s essay “The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci,” first published in New Left Review in 1976, was an explosive analysis of the central strategic concepts in the thought of the great Italian Marxist. Since then it has been the subject of book-length attacks across four decades for its disentangling of the hesitations and contradictions in Gramsci’s highly original usage of such key dichotomies as East and West, domination and direction, hegemony and dictatorship, state and civil society, and war of position and war of movement. In a critical tribute to the international richness of Gramsci’s work, the essay shows how deeply embedded these notions were in the revolutionary debates in Tsarist Russia and Wilhelmine Germany. Here arguments crisscrossed between Plekhanov, Lenin, Kautsky, Luxemburg, Lukács and Trotsky, with later echoes in Brecht and Benjamin. A new preface considers the objections the essay provoked and the reasons for them. This edition also includes the first English translation of Athos Lisa’s report on Gramsci’s lectures in prison.
The pamphlet here presented to the reader was written in the spring of 1916, in Zurich. In the conditions in which I was obliged to work there I naturally suffered somewhat from a shortage of French and English literature and from a serious dearth of Russian literature. However, I made use of the principal English work on imperialism, the book by J. A. Hobson, with all the care that, in my opinion, work deserves. This pamphlet was written with an eye to the tsarist censorship. Hence, I was not only forced to confine myself strictly to an exclusively theoretical, specifically economic analysis of facts, but to formulate the few necessary observations on politics with extreme caution, by hints, in an allegorical language—in that accursed Aesopian language—to which tsarism compelled all revolutionaries to have recourse whenever they took up the pen to write a “legal” work. It is painful, in these days of liberty, to re-read the passages of the pamphlet which have been distorted, cramped, compressed in an iron vice on account of the censor. That the period of imperialism is the eve of the socialist revolution; that social-chauvinism (socialism in words, chauvinism in deeds) is the utter betrayal of socialism, complete desertion to the side of the bourgeoisie; that this split in the working-class movement is bound up with the objective conditions of imperialism, etc.—on these matters I had to speak in a “slavish” tongue, and I must refer the reader who is interested in the subject to the articles I wrote abroad in 1914-17, a new edition of which is soon to appear. In order to show the reader, in a guise acceptable to the censors, how shamelessly untruthful the capitalists and the social-chauvinists who have deserted to their side (and whom Kautsky opposes so inconsistently) are on the question of annexations; in order to show how shamelessly they screen the annexations of their capitalists, I was forced to quote as an example—Japan! The careful reader will easily substitute Russia for Japan, and Finland, Poland, Courland, the Ukraine, Khiva, Bokhara, Estonia or other regions peopled by non-Great Russians, for Korea. I trust that this pamphlet will help the reader to understand the fundamental economic question, that of the economic essence of imperialism, for unless this is studied, it will be impossible to understand and appraise modern war and modern politics.