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Following the American Civil War, many former Confederates fled their southern homeland. Some became expatriates, settling in Canada, Europe, Mexico, South America, and Asia. Others mi-grated to the western United States, seeking fresh starts in the newly forming territories. But a third, somewhat more audacious group invaded the land of their Yankee foe. Settling in northeastern and midwestern towns and cities, these "Confederate carpetbaggers" believed that northern economic and educational opportunities offered the quickest means of rebuilding shattered fortunes and lives. In The Confederate Carpetbaggers, Daniel E. Sutherland examines the lives of those southern men and women who moved north between 1865 and 1880. Dealing with their various motives for moving north, problems of adaptation to northern society, attempts to find new identities, and efforts to maintain personal ties with other Confederates in the North as well as with old friends in the South, Sutherland provides a detailed and illuminating account of the contributions these displaced southerners made to the financial, literary, artistic, and political life of the nation. The principal characters in Sutherland’s story are Burton Norvell Harrison, who served as private secretary to Jefferson Davis, and his wife, Constance Cary Harrison, a popular belle in wartime Richmond. In 1867 the Harrisons moved to New York City, where they remained for four decades. Their exploits, beliefs, and emotions serve as a prism through which to view the successes and failures of other Confederate carpetbaggers. Although some emigrants returned to the South after brief, unpleasant northern sojourns, others spent the remainder of their lives in the North. Some became millionaires; others suffered poverty and ill health. Some became famous; most settled into tolerable, unobtrusive lives as productive citizens in a reunited nation. Sutherland’s study breaks new and significant ground in explaining the complexities of Reconstruction and late nineteenth-century American life. Traditional approaches to Reconstruction history concentrate on the South, particularly on the plight of freedmen and on the political battle for control of state governments. Some scholars have made passing references to the most prominent Confederates in the North, but until now no one has explored the lives of these men and women in detail. In this entertaining and well-written account, Sutherland suggests that while the Confederate carpetbaggers were relatively few in number, they made significant contributions to American progress in the years following the war—contributions they might not have made had they remained in the South.
Discusses who the carpetbaggers were and the role they played in the reconstruction after the Civil War ended.
After the Civil War, Congress required ten former Confederate states to rewrite their constitutions before they could be readmitted to the Union. An electorate composed of newly enfranchised former slaves, native southern whites (minus significant numbers of disenfranchised former Confederate officials), and a small contingent of "carpetbaggers," or outside whites, sent delegates to ten constitutional conventions. Derogatorily labeled "black and tan" by their detractors, these assemblies wrote constitutions and submitted them to Congress and to the voters in their respective states for approval. Blacks, Carpetbaggers, and Scalawags offers a quantitative study of these decisive but little-understood assemblies -- the first elected bodies in the United States to include a significant number of blacks. Richard L. Hume and Jerry B. Gough scoured manuscript census returns to determine the age, occupation, property holdings, literacy, and slaveholdings of 839 of the conventions' 1,018 delegates. Carefully analyzing convention voting records on certain issues -- including race, suffrage, and government structure -- they correlate delegates' voting patterns with their racial and socioeconomic status. The authors then assign a "Republican support score" to each delegate who voted often enough to count, establishing the degree to which each delegate adhered to the Republican leaders' program at his convention. Using these scores, they divide the delegates into three groups -- radicals, swing voters, and conservatives -- and incorporate their quantitative findings into the narrative histories of each convention, providing, for the first time, a detailed analysis of these long-overlooked assemblies. Hume and Gough's comprehensive study offers an objective look at the accomplishments and shortcomings of the conventions and humanizes the delegates who have until now been understood largely as stereotypes. Blacks, Carpetbaggers, and Scalawags provides an essential reference guide for anyone seeking a better understanding of the Reconstruction era.
Examines the life stories and perspectives about freedom in relation to the figures depicted in an infamous Reconstruction-era political cartoon
At the end of this book, you should be able to define the terms “scalawags” and “carpetbaggers”. Understand where the terms came from and why they were labeled as such. What reasons did the scalawags and carpetbaggers have for moving to different regions during the period of Reconstruction? Which of these two groups supported the African Americans? Find the answers in this book.
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During the Civil War, not all Southemers were secessionists. Not all Yankees who later came south were "carpetbaggers" bent on exploiting their former foes. This book portrays exceptions to both rules - Simon Elliot Chamberlin, a Union cavalry officer who relocated to northern Virginia, and Edith Matthews, daughter of a Quaker family in Confederate Virginia. Their separate wartime experiences would deeply influence their subsequent courtship and marriage. His military career, especially with the 25* NIY. Cavalry and its defense of Washington in 1864, is set against the contemporancous experiences of young Edith and her farming family, part of a pro-Unionist enclave in Loudoun County that paid a heavy price for its support of the North. Navigating between a shared love for Virginia's Piedmont and opposition to the former secessionists return to power was not easy. After a go at running, Elliot parlayed skill as a political activist among Union veterans to become chairman of Virginia's Republican Party during Reconstruction, putting him on a collision path with an old foe, John Mosby. Later as Treasury special agent, he helped uncover corruption and fraud from the N. Y. customhouse to faraway Cuba, yet at times seemed oblivious to failings closer to home. Through it all, we get to witness first hand the Chamberlin family grapple with immense changes that beset the nation and federal government during the last decades of the 19% century.
With this path-breaking book, Richard Nelson Current closes a major gap in our understanding of the important role of white southerners who fought for the Union during the Civil War. The ranks of the Union forces swelled by more than 100,000 of these men known to their friends as "loyalists" and to their enemies as "tories". They substantially strengthened the Union, weakened the Confederacy, and affected the outcome of the Civil War. Despite the assertions of southern governors that Lincoln would get no troops from the South to preserve the Union, every Confederate state except South Carolina provided at least a battalion of white troops for the Union Army. The role of black soldiers (including those from the South) continues to receive deserved attention. Curiously, little heed has been paid to the white southern supporters of the Union cause, and nothing has been published about the group as a whole. Relying almost entirely on primary sources, Current here opens the long-overdue investigation of these many Americans who, at great risk to themselves and their families, made a significant contribution to the Union's war effort. Current meticulously explores the history of the loyalists in each Confederate state during the war. Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia provided over 70 percent of the loyalist troops, but 10,000 from Arkansas, 7,000 from Louisiana, and thousands from North Carolina, Texas, and Alabama volunteered as well. The author weaves the separate state stories into an intriguing and detailed tapestry. The loyalists served in a variety of capacities--some performing mundane tasks, some fighting with valor. Whatever his individual role, each southerner joining the Unionconstituted a double loss to the Confederacy: a subtraction from its own ranks and an addition to the Union's. Undoubtedly, this played an important role in the Confederate defeat.
Set within the larger context of Congressional politics and the history of individual Southern states, Current's narrative reveals a group of men who were often highly educated, almost all of whom had served with distinction in the Union Army (three were generals), and several of whom brought their own money down South to help rebuild a war-torn land. Daniel H. Chamberlain, for instance, was educated at Yale and Harvard Law School--he was described by the President of Yale as "a born leader of men"--Was governor of South Carolina, and later made a fortune as a Wall Street lawyer. Adelbert Ames, far from exploiting the black, was a leading exponent of black rights, the author of the main brief of the Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson, a major court battle against segregation. And Albion W. Tourgee, author of the best-selling A Fool's Errand, was praised after his death by W.E.B. du Bois for his efforts on behalf of the freed slaves.