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This study presents new information about the four Quaker businessmen who helped found the London Abolition Committee in 1787 and remained active in the late anti-slave trade movement throughout their lifetimes. Drawing on previously unused primary sources, the study traces the close personal, business, social and religious ties binding the men together and shaping their abolition activities and arguments. By closely examining the lives of Joseph Woods, James Philips, George Harrison and Samuel Hoare, the study presents a new view of the factors shaping the arguments and strategies of abolitionism in Britain.
Drawing on previously unused sources, this work traces the personal, business, social and religious ties binding together four Quaker businessmen who became founding members of the London Abolition Committee in 1787, and who subsequently helped transform abolitionism into a national political movement. By examining the lives of Joseph Woods, James Phillips, George Harrison and Samuel Hoare, Dr. Jennings presents a new view of the factors shaping the arguments and strategies of abolitionism in Britain. She suggests links between abolitionism and the capitalist values emerging from the growth of the market economy and the developing consumer society in late eighteenth-century Britain. Closely studying the interplay between individuals and larger cultural forces, she offers an original approach to the problem of understanding the changing politics, economics and social forces in Britain during this period. The four men who form the main subject of this book placed articles in newspapers, and published circulars, reports and information about the slave trade and their reasons for supporting abolition. They helped to establish petitioning as a respectable tool and played a major role in the creation of the language and literature of the anti-slave campaign. 'The Business of Abolishing the British Slave Trade, 1783-1807' is a well-researched but readable account that will be of particular relevance to those interested in British history, eighteenth-century studies, abolition historiography, political economy, the history of social activism and social change, religious studies, and sociology. (Back cover).
This collection of fifteen insightful essays examines the complexity and diversity of Quaker antislavery attitudes across three centuries, from 1658 to 1890. Contributors from a range of disciplines, nations, and faith backgrounds show Quaker's beliefs to be far from monolithic. They often disagreed with one another and the larger antislavery movement about the morality of slaveholding and the best approach to abolition. Not surprisingly, contributors explain, this complicated and evolving antislavery sensibility left behind an equally complicated legacy. While Quaker antislavery was a powerful contemporary influence in both the United States and Europe, present-day scholars pay little substantive attention to the subject. This volume faithfully seeks to correct that oversight, offering accessible yet provocative new insights on a key chapter of religious, political, and cultural history. Contributors include Dee E. Andrews, Kristen Block, Brycchan Carey, Christopher Densmore, Andrew Diemer, J. William Frost, Thomas D. Hamm, Nancy A. Hewitt, Maurice Jackson, Anna Vaughan Kett, Emma Jones Lapsansky-Werner, Gary B. Nash, Geoffrey Plank, Ellen M. Ross, Marie-Jeanne Rossignol, James Emmett Ryan, and James Walvin.
This is the story of a handful of men, led by Thomas Clarkson, who defied the slave trade and ignited the first great human rights movement. Beginning in 1788, a group of Abolitionists moved the cause of anti-slavery from the floor of Parliament to the homes of 300,000 people boycotting Caribbean sugar, and gave a platform to freed slaves.
The abolition of the slave trade is normally understood to be the singular achievement of eighteenth-century British liberalism. Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic expands both the temporal and the geographic framework in which the history of abolitionism is conceived. Abolitionism was a theater in which a variety of actors—slaves, African rulers, Caribbean planters, working-class radicals, British evangelicals, African political entrepreneurs—played a part. The Atlantic was an echo chamber, in which abolitionist symbols, ideas, and evidence were generated from a variety of vantage points. These essays highlight the range of political and moral projects in which the advocates of abolitionism were engaged, and in so doing it joins together geographies that are normally studied in isolation. Where empires are often understood to involve the government of one people over another, Abolitionism and Imperialism shows that British values were formed, debated, and remade in the space of empire. Africans were not simply objects of British liberals’ benevolence. They played an active role in shaping, and extending, the values that Britain now regards as part of its national character. This book is therefore a contribution to the larger scholarship about the nature of modern empires. Contributors: Christopher Leslie Brown, Seymour Drescher, Jonathon Glassman, Boyd Hilton, Robin Law, Phillip D. Morgan, Derek R. Peterson, John K. Thornton
A freed slave's daring assertion of the evils of slavery Born in present-day Ghana, Quobna Ottobah Cugoano was kidnapped at the age of thirteen and sold into slavery by his fellow Africans in 1770; he worked in the brutal plantation chain gangs of the West Indies before being freed in England. His Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery is the most direct criticism of slavery by a writer of African descent. Cugoano refutes pro-slavery arguments of the day, including slavery's supposed divine sanction; the belief that Africans gladly sold their own families into slavery; that Africans were especially suited to its rigors; and that West Indian slaves led better lives than European serfs. Exploiting his dual identity as both an African and a British citizen, Cugoano daringly asserted that all those under slavery's yoke had a moral obligation to rebel, while at the same time he appealed to white England's better self. For more than seventy years, Penguin has been the leading publisher of classic literature in the English-speaking world. With more than 1,700 titles, Penguin Classics represents a global bookshelf of the best works throughout history and across genres and disciplines. Readers trust the series to provide authoritative texts enhanced by introductions and notes by distinguished scholars and contemporary authors, as well as up-to-date translations by award-winning translators.
In response to reports of brutality toward former slaves in the West Indies, Joseph Sturge and Thomas Harvey journeyed to the region's plantations to investigate the newly instituted apprenticeship system. The result was this vivid expos, written for "the purpose of ascertaining the actual condition of the Negro population of those islands." Along with Sturge's testimony to Parliament, the book brought an end to the apprenticeship system and reawakened antislavery sentiment in Britain. This near-forgotten chapter in the history of slavery is an early example of muckraking at its best. In the early 19th century, British philanthropist and abolitionist JOSEPH STURGE (1793-1859) was recognized as a powerful symbol of social reform. He also wrote A Visit to the United States in 1841, an examination of slavery in the United States. Fellow Quaker THOMAS HARVEY (1812-1884) also wrote include The Polynesian Slave Trade and Jamaica in 1866.
Ryden challenges conventional wisdom regarding the political and economic motivations behind the final decision to abolish the British slave trade in 1807. His research illustrates that a faltering sugar economy after 1799 tipped the scales in favour of the abolitionist argument and helped secure the passage of abolition.
Shows how black writers helped to build modern Britain by looking beyond the questions of slavery and abolition.