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This volume provides a comprehensive view of the social, political and military aspects of the volunteer movement of the French Wars: the volunteer infantry, yeomanry cavalry and the armed associations in England, Scotland and Wales from 1794 to 1814 and in some cases beyond.
Loyalism and Radicalism in Lancashire, 1798-1815 is a lively and detailed account of popular politics in Lancashire during the later years of the French Revolution and during the Napoleonic wars. Drawing on a wide variety of sources, such as letters, diaries, and broadside ballads, it offers fresh insights into the complicated dynamics between radicalism, loyalism, and patriotism, and emphasises Lancashire's distinctive political culture and its place at the heart of the industrial revolution. This region witnessed some of the most intense, disruptive, and violent popular politics in this period and beyond. Highly active and vocal groups emerged - extreme republicans, more moderate radicals, Luddites, early trade unionists, and also strong networks of 'Church-and-King' loyalists and Orange lodges. Katrina Navickas explains how this heady mix created a politically charged region where both local and national affairs played their part. She follows the inner workings of popular political activity in response to both internal and external threats, including loyalist processions and civic events, volunteer corps formed as defence against invasion, food riots, strikes by trade unions, and both secret and public meetings on the key issues of peace and parliamentary reform. Navickas argues for a distinct sense of regional identity that shaped not only local politics but also patriotism. Lancastrians felt British in the face of the French, but it was a particularly Lancastrian type of Britishness.
This book seeks to enrich our understanding of middle-class life in England during the Industrial Revolution. For many years, questions about how the middle classes earned (and failed to earn) money, conducted their public and private lives, carried out what they took to be their civic and religious duties, and viewed themselves in relation to the rest of society have been largely neglected questions. These topics have been marginalized by the rise of social history, with its predominant focus on the political formation of the working classes, and by continuing interest in government and high politics, with its focus on the upper classes and landed aristocracy. This book forms part of the recent attempt, influenced by contemporary ideas of political culture, to reassess the role, composition, and outlook of the middle classes. It compares and contrasts three Lancashire milltowns and surrounding parishes in the early phase of textile industrialization—when the urbanizing process was at its most rapid and dysfunctional, and class relations were most fraught. The book’s range extends from the French Revolution to 1851, the year of the Great Exhibition, which symbolized mid-century stability and prosperity. The author argues that members of the middle class were pivotal in the creation of this stability. He shows them creating themselves as a class while being created as a class, putting themselves in order while being ordered from above. The book shifts attention from the search for a single elusive “class consciousness” to demonstrate instead how the ideological leaders of the three milltowns negotiated their power within the powerful forces of capitalism and state-building. It argues that, at a time of intense labor-capital conflict, it was precisely because of their diversity, and their efforts to build bridges to the lower orders and upper class, that the stability of the liberal-capitalist system was maintained.
Far more than an architecture book, Coastal Defences of the British Empire, 1775–1815 is a sweeping reinterpretation of the Martello towers, Grand Redoubts, Royal Military Canal and other new defence infrastructure of the Napoleonic War. Lavishly illustrated with period maps, views, portraits, cartoons and newly commissioned color photographs, it includes not only these structures’ forerunners, and plans that were never executed, but also the grand strategy that informed them. At its best, this saw Britain’s position as a vast land battle, with the deadly threat of the French-held Antwerp navy yards on its own ‘left wing’, and Lisbon as the enemy’s ‘weak left’ to be ‘turned’. The book also takes in the astonishingly inventive, bold and bloody small-boat wars that raged from the Baltic and Channel coast to Chesapeake Bay and Lake Ontario, and provides vivid pen-sketches of the now-obscure and sometimes deeply flawed strategic visionaries, engineers, inventors, and fighting men who held the line as – even after Trafalgar – the forces of an ever more powerful French empire circled like sharks. Along the way, it traces a fundamental change in the nature of war and society: from a ponderous game of fortresses and colonies played by rulers, to murderous ‘foot by foot’ defence of the whole territory of the nation by ‘both sexes and every social type’.
Looking at the impact of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars on the British Isles, Cookson sheds light on the nature of the British state and the extent of its dependence on society's self-organising powers.
From humble Glasgow beginnings, Colin Campbell rose to become Scotland's finest general and a favourite of Queen Victoria. In his fifty-year career he fought through the Peninsula, the Crimea, China and India, and still found time to contain a slave revolt, a Chartist revolution and Ireland's Tithe War. Through a combination of personal courage, compassionate leadership and genius for military strategy he became an idol for the men who served under him. This undisputed hero, whose memory has grown faint beside celebrated warriors of the Victorian age, was a soldier ahead of his time – the first working-class field marshal, with strong humanitarian leanings and an instinct for harnessing the power of the press. In the first major biography of Campbell since 1880 his career is radically reinterpreted and the life of this very private man is revealed. Victoria's Scottish Lion was shortlisted for The Society for Army Historical Research's 2015 Templar Prize.
Accusatory, libellous, or just bizarre, Penning Poison unveils the history of anonymous letter-writing. 'er at number 14 is dirty Receiving an unexpected and unsigned note is a disconcerting experience. In Penning Poison, Emily Cockayne traces the stories of such letters to all corners of English society over the period 1760-1939. She uncovers scandal, deception, class enmity, personal tragedy, and great loneliness. Some messages were accusatory, some libellous, others bizarre. Technology, new postal networks, forensic techniques, and the emergence of professional police all influence the phenomenon of poison letter campaigns. This book puts the letters back into their local and psychology context, extending the work of detectives, to discover who may have written them and why. Emily Cockayne explores the reasons and motivations for the creation and delivery of these missives and the effect on recipients - with some blasé, others driven to madness. Small communities hit by letter campaigns became places of suspicion and paranoia. By examining the ways in which these letters spread anxiety in the past Penning Poison grapples with the question of how nasty messages can turn into an epidemic. The book recovers many lost stories about how we used to write to one another, finding that perhaps the anxieties of our internet age are not as new as we think.
The British amateur military tradition of raising auxiliary forces for home defence long preceded the establishment of a standing army. This was a model that was widely emulated in British colonies. This volume of essays seeks to examine the role of citizen soldiers in Britain and its empire during the Victorian period.