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Tibet has been the point of contention between India and China for a very long time. Both India and China consider Tibet vital of their national security. Any strong power established in Tibet, can become a direct threat to India. Tibetan developments are therefore the central theme of this book. This book covers relations between these countries keeping in mind border disputes, Tibetan problem, economic factors, religious factors and cultural factors. History, present scenario and the future of relations between these three countries is covered in this book in a very systematic and organized manner. A very well researched book, it will prove to be a greate help to all those individuals studying relations between India, China and Tibet.
"On 1 October 1949, the People's Republic of China came into being and changed forever the course of Asian history. Power moved from the hands of the nationalist Kuomintang government to the Communist Party of China headed by Mao Tse Tung. All of a sudden, it was not only an assertive China that India had to deal with but also an increasingly complex situation in Tibet which was reeling under pressure from China. Clearly, newly independent India, with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru at its helm, was navigating very choppy waters. Its relations with China progressively deteriorated, eventually leading to the Indo-China war in 1962. Today, more than six decades after the war, we are still plagued by border disputes with China that seem to routinely grab the headlines. It leads one to question what exactly went on during those initial years of the emergence of a new China"--Publisher's summary.
Since 1959, Tibet has been at the centre of controversy, after China's 'peaceful liberation' of the Land of Snows led to the Lhasa uprising and the Dalai Lama's escape to India. This work brings together responses to a booklet published by the Chinese government in 1989, which sought to counter criticism of their occupation of Tibet.
This study explores the roots of the Sino-Indian border dispute and proposes a settlement that might be acceptable to both China and India. Lu provides the historical perspective necessary for a complete understanding of the problem, beginning with the seventh century, when China and Tibet first made contact. He argues that a settlement of the dispute is necessary not only for the peace of the Indian subcontinent but for other parts of the world as well. He explains why and how Great Britain came to be involved in Sino-Tibetan relations and pays particular attention to the failure of the Simla Conference of 1913-1914 between Britain, China, and Tibet to define a common boundary between China and India. The author explores Indian involvement in Sino-Tibetan relations and why India intervened against China's reoccupation of Tibet. He traces the border incidents and military clashes between China and India and the failure of the two powers to negotiate a settlement of their differences. Finally, he discusses the Sino-Indian border dispute from the perspectives of international law, effective occupation, and watershed. In conclusion, he offers some reasonable, practical measures based on international law and political reality that could be taken to settle the border dispute.
The status of Tibet has been at the core of the Tibet-China conflict for all parties drawn into it over the past century. This study is a guide to the historical arguments made by the primary parties to the Tibet-China conflict, and examines the extent to which positions on Tibet issues that are thought to reflect centuries of popular consensus are actually very recent constructions, often at variance with the history on which they claim to be based.
An important new study by a leading Tibetan scholar of the historical Sino-Tibetan relationship - traditionally two rival and interlocked states.
At the outset, this book must be viewed as a policy relevant document rather than an abstract historical research paper. The authors have revisited the seemingly intractable India-China border dispute from a contemporary conflict resolution perspective and thus are relatively detached from the historical baggage that has so often influenced other commentaries on this controversial subject. The great natural defensive line of northern India, the mighty Himalayas, separating Tibet from north-east India, is a barrier which, by tradition, was impenetrable. This defensive line is embodied by the 1914 Line, India s non-negotiable interest. Thus, from an Indian perspective, it can never be conceived that its frontiers with China are ever formalized on the Brahmaputra plains. Further, the 1914 alignment, aside from its strategic sanctity, also upholds the ethnic and linguistic affinities to peoples south of it, who are distinct from the homogenous Tibetan or Han people. Similarly, from China s perspective it too is in possession of its non-negotiable interest the Aksai Chin plateau. And therein lies the essence of an east-west swap. By retracing the historical record, the authors argue that such a swap is eminently feasible and historically justifiable. Moreover, realpolitik demands it. From the Indian perspective, however, it should be equally clear that a bipartisan national consensus is imperative for any breakthrough resolution to emerge. It remains to be seen, however, if political managers on both sides are able to muster the necessary will to resolve a dispute that has lasted for more than half-a-century. Contents: Introduction · Acknowledgments · The Legacy of the Great Game · India, Tibet and China · India Inherits the Frontiers :1947-1954 · The Debacle of 1962 · Road to Rapprochement: Diplomacy since the 1970s · The Way Forward: Mutual accommodation and accommodation of reality · Appendices · Bibliography · Index