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Members of the United Auto Workers Ford Local 600 tell about their activism as they experienced it.
The UAW engaged in these struggles in an attempt to build a cross-class, multiracial reform coalition that would push American politics beyond liberalism and toward social democracy. The effort was in vain; forced to work within political structures - particularly the postwar Democratic party - that militated against change, the union was unable to fashion the alliance it sought. The UAW's political activism nevertheless suggests a new understanding of labor's place in postwar American politics and of the complex forces that defined liberalism in that period. The book also supplies the first detailed discussion of the impact of the Vietnam War on a major American union and shatters the popular image of organized labor as being hawkish on the war.
This is the first book-length study of the triumph of the Reuther caucus over the Thomas-Addes-Leonard coalition in the United Auto Workers union. The dramatic defeat of the left-center coalition had far reaching significance. It helped to determine the shape of postwar labor relations, the direction of postwar liberalism, and the fate of the left. Based on manuscript sources, oral histories, and quantitative analyses of convention roll calls, UAW Politics in the Cold War Era places this union conflict in a national political context of postwar economic conflicts, the cold war, and the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act. Halpern offers a fresh point of view on the character of the two contending coalitions and the reasons for the Reuther triumph. His work is a valuable contribution to the current reassessment of the domestic politics of the early cold war years.
The history of Communists and American labor raises three questions. Were the Communists legitimate (or good) trade unionists? Were they an important influence in the labor movement? Were they good Communists? These questions involve matters that go beyond the history of Communists in the auto industry. Consequently, this work does not provide the last word on them. Yet, raising these questions has a point. It enables the expression of views on these questions that differ from others that have been written about Communists and labor and what assumptions lie behind this work. Finally, this book refutes some commonly held ideas about Communists and labor. The introduction also discusses several problems of method: the identification of Communists and the reliability of Communist sources and oral history.
The Roman Catholic Church and the U.S. labor movement are missing an opportunity to work together to promote the well-being of Latino immigrants, the majority of whom are Catholic. The relationship between the Church and labor has stagnated because the U.S. labor movement (not unlike the Democrat Party) is taking political and social positions on abortion, same sex marriage, and school vouchers that are inimical to Catholic thinking despite the fact that the Church and Latinos immigrants are culturally conservative. Strangers in a Foriegn Land: The Organizing of Catholic Latinos in the U.S. argues that labor groups would enjoy a better relationship with a natural institutional ally by taking no position on these culture war positions. Author George Schultze also takes the position that the Catholic Church should should be taking steps to promote worker-owned cooperatives in the Mondrag-n Cooperative Corporation tradition, which recognizes the beneficial role of free market economies.
"During the first century of the republic, two modes of communication at a distance - telecommunications - were etched into lands inhabited by Native Americans; contested by rival European powers; and occupied by the United States. Both telecommunications systems supported this expanding US territorial empire but, despite this overarching commonality, they branched apart in other ways. One network was owned by the state and the other by capital, and the two branches of the telecommunications system developed disparate rate structures, patterns of access, and social and institutional relationships. During the decades after the Civil War their divergence became politically charged. Would one model prevail over the other? Going forward, would it be the government Post Office or the corporate telegraph that set the terms of telecommunications development? The Post Office was the nation's originating system for communication at a distance. Both before and long after it was elevated to a cabinet department in 1829, furthermore, the Post Office was by far the largest unit of the central state. In 1831, the nation's 8700 postmasters comprised three-quarters of federal civilian employment; half a century later (excluding temporary postal employees and ordinary and railway mail clerks and letter carriers), some 50,000 postmasters accounted for perhaps one-third of all civilian employees in the executive branch. Though its relative weight as a government employer diminished after this, its workforce continued to swell. During the last two antebellum decades, meanwhile, an emergent technology - the electrical telegraph - was passed quickly from the federal government to private capital. The two systems' institutional identities immediately began to contrast in other ways"--
"Most Americans first heard of Michael Harrington with the publication of The Other America, his seminal book on American poverty. Isserman expertly tracks Harrington's beginnings in the Catholic Worke"